by
Rowan Fairgrove
When one says that one wants to study and, perhaps, reconstruct the religion of the ancient Celts, it is well to be clear about whom one speaks.
Celtic describes a language group which, over time, has divided into two strains -- P-Celtic (Brythonic) spoken in Wales, Cornwall and Brittany and Q-Celtic (Gaelic) spoken today in Ireland, Scotland and the Isle of Man.
Celtic speaking people inhabited much of Europe for millennia and their descendants live on today.
Each locale and each time offer different views or hints about the nature of the relationship of the Celtic people to divinity.
One must also be clear about the possible tools for such study that are available.
As so many things Celtic comes in threes, so do our sources -- archaeology, classical commentaries and the vernacular traditions of the Celtic countries.
Archaeology is the study of material culture.
We dig a grave and observe that the body was accompanied by food, jewelry, a sword -- we can't know that one particular necklace was beloved because of lifetime associations or exactly what the haunch of pork signified to those who interred the body.
So we have "real" facts, but they are definitely open to interpretation.
Classical sources are fragmentary, and each of the classical authors who wrote about the Celts saw them from their own particular perspective.
Posidonius saw them through the lens of Stoic philosophy as primitives closer to the Golden Age than the more civilized Greeks; Caesar reported on them as a conqueror who continually needed to convince his government to support the war effort.
Yet these sources are the only contemporary view we have of the living Pagan Celtic culture.
We don't have any contemporary religious writings from the Celts themselvse because, as Caesar tells us, they had a religious prohibition against writing things down (although they eventually kept trade-related records using Greek characters).
The vernacular traditions are those hints we can get of Gaelic and Brythonic cultures, through the annals compiled by Christian monks centuries after the fall of Celtic Paganism from the 8th to 13th centuries, and in the folklore of the Celtic language areas compiled by scholars from the 17th century to the present.
The early monks recounted tales of the pre-Christian history of Ireland and Wales for several reasons -- to maintain legal precedents (despite their origins in Pagan times), to craft histories of their nations (for example relating them to the Christian notion of the Flood and Noah) and to satisfy local aristocrats who fancied the idea of ancient lineages or enjoyed hearing hero tales of their ancestors.
The later antiquarians, tale-collectors and Celtic revivalists generally had their own agenda as well -- often they were involved in a nationalist movement in the Celtic country in question. They were certainly Christian and saw ancient Celtic religion through that lens -- witness the early Druid revivals of the 17-18th century which painted Druids as monotheists who had expected the birth of Jesus and were just waiting to hear word so they could convert.
(An excellent essay by Dr. Michael Raoult on the early Druidic revivals can be found in The Druid Renaissance.)
Obviously, none of these sources is sufficient to give us a clear vision of the religious beliefs or practices of the ancient Celts.
And I fear that even in aggregate, with the addition of the comparative study of other Indo-European religions, they are insufficient for more than a fragmentary understanding of our ancestors' world view.
This paper will generally confine itself to study of the archaeological and classical source materials.
Who were the Ancient Celts?
When I speak of the ancient Celts, I am referring to the communities of people sharing linguistic and cultural ties who inhabited most of Northern Europe between 800 BCE and 400 CE.
The folk of the Urnfield culture which preceded them may also have spoken a variety of Celtic, but they had not yet created the material culture that we identify with the Iron Age Celts.
At the height of their expansion (4th-3rd centuries BCE) Celtic communities spread from Ireland to the Near East.
Hallstat culture (800-250 BCE), named after a type-site at Hallstatt, Austria, is the name given to the material culture of the early Iron Age Celts.
Their range spanned from the Paris basin to valley of Morava in Eastern Europe and from the Alps to the north European plain.
During early Hallstat (800-600 BCE) there is little evidence of great distinctions of wealth in burials.
A few people are buried with wagons and horse gear, rather more are warriors (both genders) buried with their swords, most people are buried with personal ornaments and pots containing food.
Cemeteries are small and associated with small settlements, perhaps one family or a group of related families.
Then between 600-450 BCE things begin to change as Mediterranean luxury goods begin to appear.
Hilltop forts and a hierarchy of rich graves begins to appear.
These aristocratic burials are associated with much larger residences inspired by Greek architectural styles.
Archaeologists have suggested that paramount chief burial is accompanied by inhumation in a wooden chamber with wagon and horse trappings as before, but now there would also be a wide range of imported goods including bronze wine drinking vessels, silk, gold, amber, glass and coral. A vassal chief would be similar but the goods are more of local manufacture without the wide range of imports.
Sub-chiefs are again similar but less elaborately furnished with totally local manufacture.
Below this status wagon burials are not present.
This type of burial and the prestige goods economic system it represents was spread from Burgundy to the middle Rhine.
The economy was based on conspicuous consumption and potlatch-style distribution of goods. This is an unstable system relying on a continuing stream of imports and exports.
Around this core, warrior societies arose whose wealth came from raiding the settled traders. This was an unstable equilibrium which was unbalanced by political changes in the Mediterranean and population growth among the Celtic tribes.
After the collapse, the Celtic migrations began (circa 400 BCE).
La Tene culture, known for its elaborate artwork, coincides with the last 50 years or so of Hallstat.
It its this culture which was carried by the migration.
Warrior bands moved southwards and eastwards toward the rich pickings of the cultures they had previously traded with.
Rome was attacked in 369 BCE and the thrust continued into Italy.
Delphi was attacked in 279 BCE by eastward moving bands who then continued on to Asia minor. Migrations in response to population pressure continued on throughout the next few hundred years, culminating in the aborted migration attempt of the Helvetii mentioned in Caesar's commentaries.
A drastic change took place during the eight year war with Caesar's Rome as hundreds of thousands of Celts were killed, sold into slavery or maimed.
And then Caesar went home to where, for him, the real politics were and Gaul and Britain were left alone for 15 years.
When later Roman emperors began to set up administration of Gaul things changed again.
Most of southern and eastern Gaul was brought into the Empire fairly easily because they had already adopted a sedentary lifestyle and trade-based economic system.
The borders of Empire remained in flux for some time with the pressure of the so-called Germanic tribes pressing in from the east which finally contributed to the end of Empire in the 5th century CE.
There is controversy about how different the Celtic and Germanic tribes actually were and where the division may be made.
Caesar arbitrarily called anyone north of the Rhine Germanic and anyone south Celtic. Archaeology makes clear that while there were two different material cultures (with different house building and burial styles) they were much more intermixed than Rome's simplistic geographical divisions would indicate.
H.R. Ellis-Davidson has discussed the intersections and diversions of Celtic and Germanic culture in several books, to which I direct the interested reader.
Continental vs. Insular Celts
There are differences between the religious practices of European and British Celtic peoples. Some deities span the entire scope of the Celtic world but most are specific to a place.
The south of England which was settled by Belgic peoples is more closely tied to the Continent, while northern England has more unique deities and practices.
Ireand had even less contaxt with Europe and maintained their culture the longest.
Continental Celts had felt the pressures of the Mediterranean cultures much earlier than Insular Celts.
Traffic between Gaul and the eastern Mediterranean began as early as 8th century BCE.
Regular trade with southern Britain begins in the 6th century BCE.
However the impact of occasional maritime traders is quite different than the concentrated river trade which occurred constantly in Gaul.
Sources of Information
Classical Commentaries
A number of classical writers mentioned the Celts.
The very first use of the term Keltoi is by the Greek Hecataeus of Miletus circa 500 BCE.
Most of these Greek and Roman authors whose works have survived didn't have any first hand knowledge of the Celts.
Most of the extant writing comes from the first two centuries of the common era and rely on observations of Stoic philosopher Posidonius (early 1st century BCE), whose own writings have been lost.
His information was based on first hand knowledge of Celtic society in Gaul.
Scraps of his writings are contained in later writings, especially Athenaeus, Diodorus Siculus (mid-1st century BCE) and Strabo (40 BCE-25 CE).
From Posidonius we learn that Celts subscribed to the Pythagorean idea of transmigration of the soul, which Caesar mentions as well though he couches it in terms of making the fighters unafraid of death.
Julius Caesar had the opportunity to see Celts at first hand, both on the continent and in Britain, but his concerns were mainly military.
His writings also served as propaganda to raise money for his campaign against them.
He wasn't particularly interested in religion other than to note the influence of the Druids on the nobility.
Caesar describes the Druids, saying they "officiate at the worship of the gods, regulate public and private sacrifices, and give rulings on all religious questions.
Large number of young men flock to them for instruction and they are held in great honor by the people.
They act as judges in practically all disputes whether between tribes or between individuals." He also noted that the Druids had the power to ban someone from the sacrifice, which meant both excommunication and shunning by the community.
He mentions that there are many and diverse deities but does not name them except to use the name of whichever Roman deity possessed similar attributes.
It is to Pliny the Elder (1st century CE) that we owe our image of the Druids cutting mistletoe with a golden sickle.
It was an afterthought on the mistletoe entry in his book on trees!
The word he used was sacerdos, not Druid, and it was probably really the Vates who would perform such a ritual.
We get this division of the Celtic "priesthood" from Strabo's Geographica written at the end of the first century BCE, which states "Among all the Gallic peoples, generally speaking, there are three sets of men who are held in exceptional honour: the Bards, the Vates, and the Druids.
The Bards are singers and poets; the Vates, diviners and natural philosophers; while the Druids, in addition to natural philosophy, study also moral philosophy."
(His use of "men" is generic, there are women in all three classes both in the vernacular and classical sources.)
Additionally, Irish vernacular evidence does tend to support this tripartite division.
We believe that Classical sources tended to sensationalize Celtic religion.
They were, after all, writing about foreigners whom they considered barbarians.
It is the odd and "uncivilized" information that is most often reported.
There is very little information on the deities themselves in these sources because the writers tend to conflate Celtic deities with their own where their worship is similar.
Thus, we get sensationalistss like Lucan (1st century CE) reporting that there were three major Gods of the Gauls who demanded human sacrifice, Taranis (burning), Teutates (drowning) and Esus (hanging and wounding).
The Romans had banned human sacrifice only a generation or two earlier and felt superior on this account.
Classical writers also tell us something of the Celts' appearance.
Diodorus says Gauls are tall and fair with loud voices and piercing eyes.
He says the women are nearly as big and strong as their husbands and as fierce.
Tacitus identifies the Caledonii of Scotland as having reddish hair and large loose limbs whilst the Silurians of Wales were swarthy with dark curly hair.
Dio Cassius describes Boudica as large and frightening with bright red hair.
Strabo tells us that both genders liked to wear lots of jewelry and this is certainly borne out by the archaeological record which shows heavy torcs, brooches, rings, necklets and bracelets.
A lovely quote from Virgil sums up thusly the idealized classical view of a Celt, "Golden is their hair, and golden their garb.
They are resplendent in their striped cloaks, and their milk-white necks are circled with gold."
Inscriptions
Inscriptions on altars and votive objects provide us with almost 400 names of Celtic deities.
Unfortunately many of these names appear only once and have no elaborating evidence to allow us to understand the nature of the deity named.
Other names have descriptive epithets added to the names.
Still others are paired with Roman deities whose known character allows us to guess more accurately about their Celtic counterparts.
Some of these classical Roman deities also receive Celtic epithets.
Classical gods often also receive Celtic consorts.
When possible we compare inscriptions from more than one area and infer the characteristics of the deities, supplemented by contemporary comments.
Cosmology
The Celts do not seem to have had a hierarchy of divinity in the sense of a coherent pantheon dwelling in some remote place.
The human world and the Otherworld formed a unity in which the human and divine interact. Each location has numinous powers which are acknowledged by the people as we can see by their naming of mountains, rivers and other natural features many of which have associated deities.
When the Celts invaded Greece in 278 BCE, Brennus entered the precinct of Delphi, saw no gold and silver dedications and only stone and wooden statues and he laughed at the Greeks for setting up deities in human shape.
Caesar mentions that the Germans worship forces of nature only.
Sanctuaries, Temples & Shrines
Domestic Cult
The most basic sanctuary in a traditional culture is the home and hearth.
Often non-family members are not allowed to approach the hearth.
Archaeological evidence of elaborately decorated hearths and fire-related tools indicates that the domestic cult of the Celts was centered here.
Each family would have had its rites, sacrifices to the house deity (perhaps as elaborate as the penates, lar and genius of the Romans), protections for the house and family, etcentury Many fire tools echo the sacrifice, being in the form of horses or rams, garlanded and thus ready to nourish the Gods and the people.
The next level of ritual around the hearth would be the banquet.
There are elaborate eating utensils present in the archaeological record and Posidonius (quoted by Athenaeus) gives a good account of a Celtic feast:
The Celts sit on hay and have their meals served up on wooden tables raised slightly above the earth.
Their food consists of a small number of loaves of bread together with a large amount of meat, either boiled or roasted on charcoal or on spits.
This food is eaten cleanly but like lions, raising up whole limbs in both hands and biting off the meat...
When a large number dine together they sit around in a circle with the most influential man in the centre, like the leader of the chorus, whether he surpasses the others in warlike skill, or lineage, or wealth.
Beside him sits the host and next on either side the others in order of distinction.
The Celts sometimes engage in single combat at dinner.
For they gather in arms and engage in mock battles, and fight hand-to-hand, but sometimes wounds are inflicted, and the irritation caused by this may even lead to killing unless the bystanders restrain them.
And in former times, when the hindquarters were served up the bravest hero took the thigh piece, and if another man claimed it they stood up and fought in single combat to death.
Another component of the feast is the Gift.
The Celts practiced the redistribution of wealth at their feasts, creating an elaborate debt structure which binds the society together.
Recipients of gifts may repay the giver in kind or in loyalty and service.
In an extreme form, life itself may repay the gift.
This system of clientage is documented both in myth and in the ancient laws of Ireland and Wales which have come down to us through Medieval redactors.
Other interesting evidence of the importance of feasting to the Celts are burial goods which indicate the belief in the Otherworld feast, many of which are also known from Irish and Welsh mythology, such as Manannan's Feast of Wisdom and Age, the feast of Bran's head with his companions, or Giobniu's Feast where the participants neither aged nor died.
Otherworld feasts generally feature an ever filled cauldron so that food never runs out, or animals who rise up ready to be slain again the next day.
Grave goods include flagons of wine, drinking vessels, animals and hearth implements.
Public Cult
How much of a public cult existed depends on which period of Celtic history i s being discussed. In earliest times, sacral power was part of the sovereignty.
The Queen and/or King would have done divination, carried out sacrifice, identified sacred springs or other natural features and other religious duties for the Clan, including becoming the ultimate sacrifice in times of trouble, according to mythological sources.
Continental Celts were just beginning to develop cities in the last few centuries BCE.
This led to a secular administration in the form of judges.
Some cities were built around sanctuaries or religious schools, others were centers of commerce or military strongholds.
Archaeology is only beginning to give us insights into the type of civic ritual present in the cities.
The common form of sanctuary in early times (500-250 BCE) is an enclosure delimited by a ditch and sometimes a palisade, Interior pits and posts delimited sacred space and received sacrifices.
As time went by interior buildings and more elaborate ambulatories were constructed (in archaeology, wooden buildings pose a problem of interpretation -- all that remains in the record is the positioning of post holes!).
At the time of conquest many sanctuaries were dismantled and hidden by their worshippers. These areas seem to have kept their sacred character, however, as Romano-Celtic temples are often built on the same sites.
Since the form of temples in both cultures was similar except for materials used, conflation was not difficult.
Most Romano-Celtic temples had a central sanctuary surrounded by an ambulatory within a precinct surrounded by walls and ditches.
There are variations which includes include auxiliary buildings or a divided sanctuary, but the general pattern is clear.
These structures don't lend themselves to congregational-style worship.
There is a small shrine where the statues of deities or sacred symbols are housed and the ambulatory gallery, perhaps with openings through which the worshippers could see into the sanctuary, but any large gatherings were probably held outside in the enclosure around the temple precinct.
Sanctuary enclosures were rectangular or sometimes circular.
The great variation in materials deposited at such sites suggests that each was dedicated to a specific deity with particular requirements.
There is some evidence that the posts, lintels, gates and other features of the palisade were highly decorated: carved, painted, hung with offerings.
The entrance was a very important feature.
In early ditch enclosures the entrance is a break in the ditch.
Palisades brought in the custom of gates, monumental porticos, etcentury.
At Gournay (France), a pit is dug at the entrance with a foot bridge to cross to enter the sacred space.
The entrance was hung with human skulls.
Two large heaps of cow skulls and weapons were deposited on either side in the ditch.
These may be the result of the dismantling of successive displays at the entrance.
Deposition in the ditch elsewhere is more even.
In the interior the center point of the sanctuary is indicated by a post, a pit or a building. Presumably the center is closest to the Otherworld being farthest from the outer world beyond the ditch.
A system of posts with directional and astronomical significance were aligned around this center. Another interior feature are pits, the shape and size of which vary from site to site.
At one site in Czechoslovakia the central pit was 11m x 8m and 2m deep!
A more common pattern is 10 pits grouped in threes and a central pit.
Sacrifices may have occurred at the central pit with the others being sealed so that sacrificial animals placed within could decompose.
The animal bones are then thrown into the perimeter ditch.
It is not uncommon in the ancient world to have seen pits as entrances to the Underworld (Greek bothroi and Roman mundi for example).
Elsewhere in the Celtic world deep shafts are dug with ritual depositions, so the Celts may have shared this interpretation.
In addition to dedicated sanctuaries, the entrance to a city seems to have been a particularly important ritual area as well.
In many British hillforts, ritual pits have been found at the entrance and along the principal roadway with horses, humans, and more rarely dogs, are buried there.
It is unclear whether the human burials represent sacrifice or merely deposition near town.
One classical source, Strabo, gives a little insight into town gates.
He says the Celtiberians worshipped an unnamed God of the full moon.
"They perform their devotions in company with all their families in front of the gates of their townships and hold dances lasting throughout the night."
Classical writers mentioned (probably using a single, now lost source) the practice of choosing a scapegoat who was supported richly at the expense of the community for a year before being ritually killed to remove all ill luck from the people.
Because the original source is lost, it is hard to say where this was observed.
One writer places it at Marseilles.
Military Cult
Shrines were set up along borders where preparatory rituals could be done before a conflict and rites of thanksgiving and victory could be celebrated.
Often sacrifices (or post-Roman, altars) were promised beforehand and these would be carried out at such a shrine.
There are many altars dedicated to various deities with inscriptions such as "so-and-so gladly and willingly fulfills his vow".
Unfortunately, they only rarely indicate what it was the deity provided in exchange.
Military offerings were also deposited in water, see below.
Animal Divinities
Before the influence of Mediterranean cultures, the Celts do not seem to have anthropomorphised their deities.
There are statues of boars, horses, bulls, bears, birds, etcentury, long before there are human featured ones.
What we cannot know is how the people thought about these figures.
Were the animals seen as symbolic of natural forces?
Were there attributes of the animals which were revered as being associated with divinity?. Some deities later given human form are inextricably linked with specific animals -- eg, Epona and horses, Cernunnos and stags, Artio and bears, Arduinna and boars.
An interesting sidelight on animals as sacrifice -- at Gournay-sur-Aronde there is an enormous deposition of animal bones.
The horses and cattle are both elderly specimens and do not show signs of butchering.
Pigs and sheep at the site are young and were eaten.
Were horses and cattle revered and brought here for ritual and burial?
And at South Cadbury in England there are horse skulls all carefully buried right side up.
Goddesses, Gods, Divine Couples
Cernunnos
The name Cernunnos, meaning "horned" or "peaked" one, appears only once in an inscription in France.
However, the name is generally applied by archaeologists to all male antlered deities found in Celtic iconography.
A Horned God is the only pre-Roman anthropomorphic deity, having appeared in a rock carving in the 4th century BCE in Northern Italy.
He is there accompanied by a ram-horned snake and bears two torcs, which remain common features of the "Cernunnos" iconography in both Gaul and Britain.
Bull or goat horned heads are also found in La TËne metalwork He is also associated with a variety of animals both wild and domestic, especially stags, and with fertility symbols such as cornucopiae and bowls of grain or money.
He (or his male companions) are often ithyphallic as well.
There are also several representations of Horned Goddess(es), including one representation in Gaul where she appears as consort to a Horned God.
The frequent depiction of Cernunnos in a cross-legged pose has been cited by some as a "Buddha-like" posture tied to Indo-European roots and by others to indicate his ties to the common folk who (according to Classical sources) sat on the ground.
Jupiter Taranis
The Roman Jupiter while often Optimus Magnus (Best and Greatest) also has Celtic surnames, often territorial.
Jupiter Optimus Magnus Beissirissa (associated with the Bigerriones in southern Gaul), Jupiter Ladicus (as the spirit of Mount Ladicus) and Jupiter Parthinus (associated with the Partheni in Yugoslavia/Bulgaria).
An interesting aspect of the Celtic Jupiter is that he is often mounted, unlike his Roman counterpart. Jupiter is also paired with Taranis, one of the primary Celtic deities of Gaul.
Caesar said that Taranis "held the empire of the skies" when likening him to Jupiter.
Taranis was a thunder god who relished human sacrifice (according to Lucan), a later commentator describes Jupiter Taranis as Master of War.
Seven altars to Taranis have survived from far flung locations indicating that his cult was widespread.
Dr. Miranda Green believes that prior to conquest Taranis may have simply been an elemental force.
Sulis Minerva
Sulis Minerva is the primary deity of the temple complex at Bath, England.
Sul or Sulis is thought to have been the primary deity of the area in pre-Roman times.
When the Romans exploited the therapeutic potential of the thermal spring, Sulis became equated with Minerva Medica.
Through the many inscriptions in the form of curses and altar dedications to Sulis we can get some idea of how her worshipers thought of her.
She had the power to grant healing, of course, but also to witness oaths, catch thieves, find lost objects and generally right wrongs.
Some examples include, "I have given to Minerva the Goddess Sulis the thief who has stolen my hooded cloak whether slave or free, whether man or woman.
He is not to redeem this gift unless with his blood." and "May he who carried off Vilbia from me become as liquid as water. May she who obscenely devoured her become dumb whether Velvinna, Exsupeus Vbrianus, Severinus Augustalis, Comitianus, Catusminianus, Germanilla or Jovina." and "Docimedis has lost two gloves. He asks that the person who has stolen them should lose his mind and his eyes in the temple where she appoints."
Another way to try to figure out how she was thought of is to study the cognates of her name. Suil in Old Irish is 'eye' or "gap".
Heol is 'sun'.
Other possible interpretations are 'gap', 'orifice' or 'the center of the whirlpool'.
There also exists a trio of Goddesses called the Suleviae, of the beneficent and protecting mother or matron type.
Inscriptions to the Suleviae are found at Cirenchester, Colchester and in several locations in Gaul.
Suleviae may be "the triple Sulis" as we have the triple Brigid and many other three-fold Celtic deity forms.
One of the inscriptions at Bath, on a statue base says "To the Suleviae, Sulinus, a sculptor, son of Brucetus, gladly and deservedly made this offering" so we know they, as well as the singular Sulis Minerva, were known at this site also.
Mars, Lenus Mars
We moderns have this idea of Mars as exclusively a brutal war god.
To the Celts he was more often a peaceful protector, a healer or a tribal god.
This is much in keeping with the original Italian Mars who was a guardian of fields and boundaries and sometimes a storm god.
It was only his late-classical/Imperial conflation with the Greek Ares that gave him the combative, warrior-for-gain aspects.
Mars was venerated as Mars Albiorix by the Albici in southern Gaul who considered him a protective mountain spirit.
Albiorix means "king of the world".
Mars Camulos was widespread, found in both Britain and on the Continent.
Lenus Mars is a great healer god who presided over a large temple complex at Trier and a sanctuary at Pommern.
He also was known in Britain.
He uses is warrior strength as a protector against illness and death.
His epithet Iovantucarus shows his special role as a protector of the young.
Lenus Mars also has a Celtic consort, the mother Goddess, Ancamna.
(She is also paired with Mars Smertius by the Treveri.)
Mars Loucetius ("bright" or "shining") gives us another insight into Mars.
Loucetius in the Roman world is usually an epithet of Jupiter.
Mars Loucetius is paired at Bath with Nematona (Goddess of the Grove) and on the continent with the war Goddess Bellona.
Mars Mullo (Latin for mule) was very popular in northern Gaul.
He was associated with a shrine at Allonnes where pilgrims came to have their eyes cured.
Many votive sculptures of the ailing part have been found there.
Rosmerta and Mercury
Rosmerta is a very widespread Celtic Goddess, her name means Great Provider.
Her male equivalent would be Smertious.
After conquest she is often paired with the Roman Mercury.
She has similar attributes and Mercury was probably subsumed into her cult when introduced. She is also conflated with Fortuna, but they also appear together or with Maia (Mercury's mother).
Rosmerta is shown associated with a cornucopia, purse, patera, caduceus, scepter, wheel, rudder, globe and, in Britain, a wooden barrel or bucket, The high status of her cult is indicated by the rank of some of her worshipers and the fact that her name is linked epigraphically with the Emperor.
Presumably she was invoked for good fortune in commerce, in life and in death (the caduceus is a symbol of guidance through the Otherworld).
Mercury is usually represented very classically, he carries his caduceus, wears his winged cap, holds or wears a purse.
He is accompanied by a cock, goat and/or turtle.
Epona
Depictions of mounted women or charioteers are found on Iron Age coins and may also represent horse-related Goddesses, in addition, representation of women and horses as linked continues in the vernacular traditions in the stories of Rhiannon and Macha.
Epona, whose name is derived from the Celtic word for horse, is the Goddess of horses and horse breeding.
As mares were often used as working animals on farms, some writers have speculated that Epona has aspects of fertility of the land and the domestic cult.
Her worship became very widespread -- there are over 300 representations and inscriptions found bearing her name.
She was adopted by cavalry soldiers throughout the Roman world, perhaps because she was a deity who offered protection both for the soldier and the horse!
She was the only Celtic deity whose festival was celebrated in Rome itself, on December 18.
Representations of Epona always have a horse present.
She is most often shown sitting sideways on a mare, sometimes a suckling mare.
Sometimes Epona is standing or sitting beside or between horses.
She holds symbols of plenty like cornucopiae, patera full of grain and fruit.
She sometimes is feeding her equine companions.
She often appears with the Mother Goddesses in inscription and iconographically.
There are even several finds where she herself is tripled and an inscription is dedicated to "the Eponas".
Statues of Epona have been found associated with healing springs.
It is hard to know what significance this has.
Many Celtic deities have a healing aspect.
Perhaps she was invoked for healing of horses.
Her image appears on tombstones and in graves.
One statue where she has a man behind her on her horse has been interpreted as taking the soul on horseback to the Otherworld.
She is shown holding a key or a mappa (a napkin used to begin races) which may link her to the beginnings and endings.
Seasonal Festivals
The seasonal festival dates that we associate with the Celts come from a variety of sources. Classical writers speak of periodic assemblies where Druids performed rites and judged inter-tribal disputes but dates are not given.
An Imperial temple at Lugdunum (Lyon) was dedicated on August 1, probably in recognition of a feast of Lugh (and the Emperor Augustus' birthday -- such a coincidence would probably be played up).
However, we lack direct evidence to substantiate this assumption although given the fact that the city is named after Lugh and Lugh's feast is similarly dated in later Irish tradition we can speculate with some certainty.
This lack of direct evidence hampers us with other dates as well -- important events in mythology happen on Beltaine, Samhain, etc, but no coherent scheme is set down.
The earliest calendar that we have, the Coligny Calendar, mentions Samhain which appears as Samonios.
The Coligny Calendar, which dates from between the 1st century BCE and the 1st century CE, is both a lunar and solar instrument, providing reconciliation between the two years.
A year was divided into 12 months of alternating 29 and 30 days.
Every 2-1/2 years a 13th month was added.
According to Diodorus every five years a great sacrifice was held.
The Coligny Calendar provides information on auspicious and inauspicious days and we can see that they reckoned by nights.
It is the oldest inscription we have in a Celtic language (the letters themselves being in the Roman alphabet.)
Votive OfferingsVotive offerings often provide us insight into the powers of a site, and into the motives of the worshippers.
It is assumed that artisans and workshops associated with larger temples and shrines made souvenirs and mass-produced offerings available.
We know from some chance anaerobic depositions that wooden objects were used.
Because these do not survive well, we mainly find the offerings of the higher classes.
In areas where pottery or pipe clay was common, we presumably have more offerings from all classes represented.
The most common offerings are coins. In addition to regular coins in circulation there are tiny coins whose small character makes it unlikely that they were used for anything other than offerings.
For example at the site of the temple at Bath over 16,000 Roman coins have been found dating from the mid-first century CE.. and continuing until the late fourth century, shortly before Rome abandoned Britain.
A handful of pre-Roman coins of the local tribe the Dobunni suggest that coins featured in worship at the spring before the Roman invasion.
Many of the coins found were clipped to mark them as property of the Goddess and therefore no longer legal tender.
Some of the coins are quite rare, others were coins of the eastern empire with no value in the west but perhaps representing pilgrimage to the shrine from distant parts.
A substantial number of mid-fourth century coins depicted a phoenix rising from the ashes, possibly alluding to the hidden fire that heats the spring water.
On the continent wheel models are often present in coin deposits.
The next most numerous offering is personal jewelry (bracelets, brooches, rings, earrings, hair and dress pins, etcentury).
In some cases these appear to have been "killed" before deposition. We can speculate that items so closely associated with a person would be useful in sympathetic magicentury.
Unfortunately, we have no certain way of knowing what the ancients were thinking when they threw their jewelry or coins into the sacred springs.
Is our custom of throwing coins into wells a survival of these practices?
Another type of offering, especially at healing centers, are anatomical models of, presumably, the afflicted area which needed the deity's attention.
For example at the shrine of Sequana, Goddess of the River Seine, come models of eyes, breasts, heads, limbs and internal organs. Some of the models showed particular ailments: eye disease and respiratory problems seem to have been the main afflictions among her pilgrims.
Sacred springs and rivers also received many martial offerings, primarily swords, scabbards, helmets and spears.
Some such artifacts appear to have been made especially for sacrifice as they are of precious metals and elaborately decorated rather than made of workable materials for a warlike function.
The Celtic practice of throwing things in springs was so common and resulted in such rich deposits that such sites were auctioned off by the Romans after conquest.
One sacred site of the Volcae Tectosages is reported to have yielded 100,000 lb. of silver and 100,000 lb. of gold!
Human Sacrifice and Head HuntingEvidence of human sacrifice comes from various Classical literary sources.
Dio Cassius mentions a sacrifice to Andraste by Boudica on behalf of the Iceni.
Lucan attributes sacrifices on behalf of three Gaulish Gods, Taranis, Esus and Teutates. Archaeology doesn't confirm such sacrifices, with the possible exception of the man found in the Lindow Moss.
There are also a couple of sites where a burial can be interpreted as sacrifice or as punitive criminal burial.
The severed head seems to have had significance for the Celts.
Veneration of the head is found in all Celtic areas and over the entire temporal spread.
The head is seen in art, as a religious symbol and as a battle trophy.
There is ample archaeological evidence for the human skull being given special treatment.
Niches in shrines such as the Celto-Ligurian lintel is merely one manifestation.
Human skulls have been found deposited in lakes and wells.
Vernacular sources such as the story of Cu Chulainn in Ireland present vivid descriptions of head taking as do the accounts of classical authors.
Diodorus Siculus (quoting Posidonius?) says: "They cut off the heads of enemies slain in battle and attach them to the necks of their horses.
The blood-stained spoils they hand over to their attendants and carry off as booty, while striking up a paean and singing a song of victory, and they nail up these first fruits upon their houses just as do those who lay low wild animals in certain kinds of hunting.
They embalm the heads of their most distinguished enemies in cedar-oil and preserve them carefully in a chest, and display them with pride to strangers, saying that for this head one of their ancestors, or his father, or the man himself, refused the offer of a large sum of money.
They say that some of them boast that they refused the weight of the head in gold."
It is interesting to speculate why such a sum would be offered.
Perhaps the kin of the slain would pay a ransom to have the head returned for proper ceremony?
Livy, writing in the 3d century CE, reports that the Boii who captured Consul-Elect Lucius Postumius in Northern Italy "stripped his body, cut off the head, and carried their spoils in triumph to the most hallowed of their temples.
There they cleaned out the head, as is their custom, and gilded the skull, which thereafter served them as a holy vessel to pour libations from and as a drinking cup for the priest and the temple attendants."
The head is also very common as a motif in art.
Statues of heads and disembodied heads in coins, reliefs and jewelry are quite common.
Animal Sacrifice
There are a variety of animals, both wild and domestic, whose remains may represent sacrifice. Some are burned or buried whole while others are butchered and, presumably, consumed. Archaeological evidence in either case is somewhat problematic, although the location of deposition in a temple area may suggest the sacrificial interpretation.
However, a butchered animal may not have been killed with a sacred purpose and a non-butchered animal may simply have died of old age and been buried rather than dying as a result of sacrifice.
Among sacrificial animals we find horses, cattle, lambs, pigs, and dogs, also stags, hares, birds and wild pigs as well as other wild animals.
Young animal often show signs of butchering, older cattle and horses mostly do not.
Pig, either wild or domestic (its hard to tell!), is a favorite in both burial and temple deposition. Pliny mentions bull sacrifice by the Druids.
Summation
Much work has been accomplished toward studying the Celtic world.
It is unlikely that more classical sources will be uncovered, but archaeology gives us a tool for discovery which we are only beginning to use.
A grounding in the physical remains will allow us to interpret the later literature more accurately and provide a more complete picture of our ancestors' worship.
But I hope it is plain from my discussion, that our ancestors did not leave us a whole cloth in which to wrap ourselves.
In the absence of such a tapestry, it is necessary to be aware that speculation is rife -- and amongst the NewAge/Occult community is sometimes based in little more than wishful thinking. If one is interested in reconstructing and practicing eltic religion it is well to be aware of the sources and of the philosophy in the researchs of any teacher or group you may join or any book you may read.
People wishing to practice some form of "Celtic" religion pull threads from the tattered cloth of our knowledge and wrap them around some other system.
Some, such as the Neo-Pagan Druids of Ar n'Draiocht Fein, study the Celtic religious data and then combine their researches with information on the religious traditions of other Indo-European cultures.
Other practitioners pull threads and wrap them around some other system, thus creating syncretic traditions such as the various forms of "Celtic Wicca", "Celtic Magic" and such. Unfortunately, some (perhaps most) of these have nothing particularly Celtic about them except the use of Celtic deity names within a system very different from any conceived by the ancient Celts.
I believe that the greatest source of magic and religious inspiration exists within each person. Practicing based on the dictates of one's own experience with one's land, Otherworld spirits and divinities is certainly valid religious practice.
If, however, we wish to claim that what we do comes to us from the religion of the ancient Goidelic or Brythonic peoples, I believe that we must do our best to research and understand their worldview and practice.
Particularly when teaching, passing on the research along with the practice helps the student to better understand and evaluate whether a tradition fits with her/his aims and worldview.
I believe we owe it to our students to tell them our inspirations and our experience and to credit any source materials -- spells adapted from vernacular prayers or ancient inscriptions, practices gleaned from archaeological study or borrowed from a magical traditions of other cultures.
There are few things more embarrassing than sharing some bit of "ancient" lore and finding out that the person you told it to wrote it a decade or so before.
Selected Bibliography
Brunaux, Jean Louis, 1988 (Eng trans.) The Celtic Gauls: Gods, Rites and Sanctuaries, London: B. A. Seaby Ltd.
A good overview of religion in late Iron Age France.
Caesar, Julius, 1980 (new trans.) The Battle for Gaul, Boston: David R. Godine,
The eight books of Caesar's Commentaries on the Gaulish campaign
Chadwick, Nora (1970) The Celts, New York: Penguin Books
Overview of Celtic kingdoms both insular and continental, religion, Christianity, art and literature.
Cunliffe, Barry (1979) The Celtic World: An Illustrated History of the Celtic Race, Their Culture, Customs and Legends, New York : McGraw-Hill.
A beautifully illustrated account of both Insular and Continental Celts. Cunliffe tends to see the Celts with Romanized eyes.
----(1988) Greeks, Romans and Barbarians: Spheres of Interaction, London : B. T. Batsford
A meticulously footnoted study of the interactions between the Mediterranean world and the "barbarians". Details economic ties which greatly influenced the culture of the Celts
----(1997) The Ancient Celts, New York : Oxford University Press
Davidson, HR Ellis (1988) Myths and Symbols in Pagan Europe : Early Scandinavian and Celtic Religions, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press
Davidson puts the Celtic religion in context using the better documented Scandinavian sources.
Gantz, Jeffrey, (1988) Early Irish Myths and Sagas, NY:Penguin
A good secondary source for Irish mythology.
Green, Miranda, (1992) Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend, London: Thames & Hudson Ltd.
Dictionary entries on Celtic myth, legend and folklore in Britain and Europe between 500 BCE and 400 CE.
----(1989) Symbol and Image in Celtic Religious Art, London: Routledge
Detailed study of Celtic religious imagery between 500 BCE to 400 CE, primarily Continental but with extended references to Insular practice.
----(1986) The Gods of the Celts, Totawa, N.J.: Barnes & Noble
An integrated look at the Celtic Gods of Britain and the Continent based mainly on the archaeological record with reference to vernacular and classical writings; this updates Anne Ross on Britain.
-----(1996) Celtic Goddesses : Warriors, Virgins and Mothers, New York: G. BrazillerCeltic goddesses presided over war, nature, animals, healing and fertility. From early
iconography, the vernacular traditions and to the ultimate transition to Christianity, this book details the Godddesses and legendary women of the Celts.
MacCana, Proinsias (1968, py 1991) Celtic Mythology, New York: Peter Bedrick
Overview of Celtic Mythology, includes both Gaulish and Insular traditions.
Ross, Anne (1967) Pagan Celtic Britain: Studies in Iconography and Tradition, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul
Classic treatment of the Gods of Britain based mainly on the archaeological record with reference to vernacular and classical writings.
----(1970) The Everyday Life of the Pagan Celts, London: Transworld
Comprehensive discussion of both insular and continental life, drawing on both archaeology and contemporary literature for information.
Ross, Anne and Don Robins (1989) The Life and Death of a Druid Prince: The story of an archaeological sensation, London: Random Century
Speculative analysis of Lindow Man and his bog burial in Lindow Moss near Manchester, Eng.
Rutherford, Ward (1987) Celtic Mythology: Nature & Influence of Celtic Myth - Druidism to Arthurian Legend, Wellingborough: The Aquarian Press
Scholarly discussion of Celtic myth and thought. The author has also written books on druids and on shamanism and this allows insights on subjects such as prophesy. He then carries the influence of the Celts up into Arthur and other later manifestations.
Stewart, Robert J. (1990) Celtic Gods, Celtic Goddesses, London: Blandford
Detailed look at the magic, mythology and religion of the Celts using archaeological evidence plus folklore and Celtic and Medieval literature.
Finding Celtic Reconstructionists
On the web:
Clannada na Gadelica -- Gaelige Traditionalist Tribal Resource & Mail List Page. http://www.clannada.org/
IMBAS -- The home of of the IMBAS list and archive of Celtic reconstructionist information hosted by Dani Dee. http://www.imbas.org/
Nemeton -- The home page of the Nemeton list and Celtic Reconstructionism hosted by Erynn Laurie. http://www.seanet.com/~inisglas/
O'Dubhain's Cauldron -- Searles O'Dubhain offers articles on Celtic Gods, Hallows, divination and more. http://www.summerlands.com/black_cauldron/coiredub.htm
The Sanctum of Cathbad -- Cathbad has links to Celtic resources and offers his own "best of" collections from Nemeton and IMBAS. http://wildideas.net/cathbad/
In Print:
Laurie, Erynn (1995) A Circle of Stones: Journeys & Meditations for Modern Celts, Chicago: Eschaton Books
Keltria Journal of Druidism and Celtic Magick, P.O. Box 48369, Minneapolis, MN 55448, $12/four issues.http://members.aol.com/keltria/kjourn.htm Carr-Gomm, Philip, ed. (1996) The Druid Renaissance. San Francisco: Thorsons, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers.An anthology of Druidry. This is the best source for an overview of thinking by modern writers on the latest flowering of Druids in the 20th century.
quinta-feira, 7 de fevereiro de 2008
Animal Symbolism in Celtic Mythology
A paper for Religion 375 at the University of Michiganby Lars Noodén, 22 November 1992
Animals in Celtic and Welsh mythology are tied in with fertility and vitality, because they are living, moving, and growing.
They also provide vitality and continued life for the tribes through their meat, skins, and bones. In addition, they are a connection to the realm of spirits and the gods.
This connection is seen through their use in the hunt, search for secrets and wisdom.
Specific animals have specific associations depending on the characteristics of the type of animal. Birds, fish, serpents, deer, cattle, swine, and so on all tend to be used as symbols.
Boars, fishes, serpents, birds, and herd animals are the most frequently described.
In addition to representing fertility and wealth, boars symbolize courage and strong warriors (MacCulloch, 356) for they are strong, dangerous, and very hard to kill.
Their appearance in dreams and visions also indicates warriors.
Isolt's forewarning of the death of Tristan, a great warrior, came in a dream about the death of a great boar (Spector, 85-86).
Statues of boars are occasionally found in the company of statues of armed warriors, (Powell, 176) further indicating an association between boars and warriors.
Great importance is attached to the bristles of the boar.
Perhaps they are the distinguishing characteristic of the animal or symbolize its strength.
For example, Fion is killed by stepping on a boar's bristle after breaking a geasa against hunting boars (MacCulloch, 150).
Some of the extraordinary boars, that King Arthur fights in Culhwch and Olwen, have bristles that are gold or silver.
Conversley, when Menw tries to steal treasures from Twrch Trwyth, he is only able to take a bristle.
The pig herders at the start of the Táin, Friuch and Rucht, are named after the bristle and the grunt of the boar, respectively.
It is the bristle of the boar, Friuch, that proves to have the most power; in the end, Friuch reborn as Donn Cuilnge destroys Rucht as Finnebach Ai.
The bristles of the boar are mentioned many other times implying that they are an important part of the animal.
Fish, salmon in particular, are associated with knowledge.
The child that grew to be called Taliesin, the wise magician, was found in a fish weir.
The significance of the salmon can be seen in many places.
Gwyrhr questioned a series of wise animals, each one wiser than the previous, the oldest and wisest of all was the salmon of Llyn Llyw (Ford, 148-149).
Cúchulainn used the hero's salmon leap across the Pupils' Bridge to get Scáthach's stronghold in order to gain access to Scáthach's advanced knowledge of arms.
To gain the secrets Cúchulainn had to use the hero's salmon leap to Scáthach herself in order to gain the secrets reserved for her family. Each leap in the land of sorcery brought Cúchulainn to greater knowledge.
Their wisdom can also be passed on by eating.
The magic salmon gain the power of wisdom by consuming the hazel nuts that drop into sacred springs (MacCulloch, 377).
By symbolically eating the salmon of wisdom, Demne gained such enormous wisdom that he was renamed (Ford, 20).
Perhaps this is at the root of the modern practice where children are told to eat fish to increase their intelligence.
Serpents and dragons symbolize trouble.
Whenever they appear, strife and infertility follow.
King Arthur's troubles with the future of his kingdom are presaged by dreams of dragons and serpents at the time of Sir Mordred's conception.
King Arthur drives them out, but is wounded (Baines, 36).
King Arthur is finally devoured by them in his last dream, subsequently his next battle is when Sir Mordred kills him.
It is interesting to note that it is the appearance of a snake that initiates the battle.
The swine herders before the Tain, Friuch and Rucht, ruin each other's land with snow during their magical fight, while in the forms of dragons (Ford, 48).
Dragons should be particularly troubling to a king, because the king is the symbol of the fertility of the tribe and its land and the dragons are the counter symbol, laying waste to the land and preventing new growth.
Birds are usually used to represent prophetic knowledge, (Davidson, 91) bloodshed, and skill.
In an omen, birds can be either the message or the messenger.
For example, Morrígan came in the shape of a bird to warn the Brown Bull (Kinsella, 98).
The interpretation of their calls and movements can lead to knowledge of future events.
Birds, especially ravens and crows, usually presage bloodshed and battle, when they are associated with it, sticking with the theme of prophesy.
Deirdre's dream of three birds drawing blood foreshadowed death and Lleu Llaw Gyffes was shedding rotting flesh and maggots while in the form of an eagle.
The Irish war goddesses were said to call the ravens down to battle fields to feast on the flesh of the slain (Davidson, 98).
Even normal, modern crows and ravens descend to feed on corpses along the road.
Birds can also be used to demonstrate a warrior's prowess by their method of capture.
Lleu Llaw Gyffes was so skilled he could hit birds with a stone without killing them outright (Ford, 101).
Cúchulainn demonstrated even more prowess capturing birds skillfully, but his son, Connla was still more skilled.
He could not only stun them with a stone, but also with only his voice (Kinsella, 39, 91).
Horses, cattle, and pigs represent fertility.
Horse, cattle, and pig bones are found in Welsh and Celtic graves, (Powell, 28) indicating that they were very important to those cultures.
The prosperity of the clan is reflected in the prosperity of its herds.
Cattle were a major Celtic food source (Davidson, 52)and as such, would be proportionally important to the success and survival of the tribe.
Later, pigs became added to the diet of the Irish.
Horses were also seen to symbolize fertility. Davidson (54) Davidsondescribed rituals where the leader of the tribe mated with a horse.
The bull, which is the leader of the cattle, symbolized the herd and its fertility just as the king would symbolize the clan and its fertility, thus joining the fertility of the horse with the tribe's.
The theme of the hunt uses animals to pass to and from the realm of magic and the gods in Celtic and Welsh mythology.
For example, during the excitement of the hunt, the chosen party pursues an unusually fleet of foot, magical prey out of the world of the mortals and into a place of magic.
Other ways to enter the other world are by charm, like the song from magical birds (Ford, 71), or by spell, like the mist descending over land (Ford, 77).
Wells, springs, rivers, and earthen mounds are some of the magical places that border with or co-exist in the other world.
In these places, magic is much more prevalent and sometimes even time passes differently there.
The magical animals are noteworthy in appearance and get the attention of the hunter by their supernatural shape, color, speed, and power.
There are many other examples of the pursuit of supernatural beasts throughout Celtic and Welsh mythology with the common characteristic being their unnatural, white color.
While pursuing a large, white deer, King Arthur arrives at Sir Pellinore's well, a magical site, without his hunting party or his horse (Baines, 37).
Pryderi and Manawydan pursue a "gleaming white boar" (Ford, 80) which leads them and their dogs to a magical trap. The bright white animals from the other world sometimes have bright, glowing, red ears, but they are not a natural type of white or red.
Prince Pwyll encounters king Arawn's dogs from the other world.
The dogs appear with "glittering bright white" and red ears that glitter as brightly as their white bodies (Ford, 37).
Rhiannon arrives from the other world on her white horse at an earthen mound (Ford, 42-45).
Fertility and continuation of the clan was a major concern of the Celtic and Welsh peoples.
Here again, animals figured strongly with fertility in Celtic and Welsh mythology.
A prosperous tribe was indicated by healthy, plentiful animals.
A few animals are associated with infertility because their success is incompatible with the survival of the tribe.
For example, dragons indicate lack of fertility.
Two dragons were heard screaming on the island of Britain every May 1st, and this caused sterility in all living creatures of the land and water (Ford, 113-116).
A dragon briefly ravaged Ireland, ruining the land and preventing daily activities (Spector, 17-18).
The dragons had to be destroyed in order to restore the fertility of the land.
No specific causes were given for the arrival of the dragons.
A vague, magical power, but no clear purpose was given to the nine scores of birds that consumed the fertility of the fields of Ulster (Kinsella, 21).
They just happened.
So, it is quite likely that they are merely symbols of hard times.
However, more earthly explanations, like revenge or a curse, have been the cause for destruction or loss of fertility.
Under a spell, hoards of warriors disguised as mice ravaged Manawydon's wheat, destroying the fertility of his land as revenge for Gwawl (Ford, 82-87).
Birth and rebirth are fertility.
The Celts believed that souls were manifested as tiny animals or beings (MacCulloch, 160).
Lleu Llaw Gyffes was grown from "some little thing" (Ford, 98-99).
If such a magical being was eaten by a female, then it would grow until she gave birth to it.
This is illustrated in the rebirths of Taliesin, Sétanta, Finnebach Ai, and Donn Cuailnge who were all consumed by their mothers as tiny creatures and then reborn.
Taliesin had been Gwion Bach disguised as a grain of wheat (Ford, 164, 173) and Sétanta, later known as Cúchulainn, had been a vague, tiny creature in a drink, possibly the soul of the god Lug (Kinsella, 23).
Both Taliesin and Cúchulainn had extraordinary abilities extending to the supernatural, and Taliesin even described himself as having previously been Gwion Bach.
Friuch and Rucht changed into maggots, very small creatures, and were consumed by cows while fighting each other in a battle of magic.
They became reborn as the extraordinary bulls Finnebach Ai and Donn Cuailnge.
They continued to escalate their combat by involving the tribes of Ireland, suggesting at least partial survival of their personalities.
Animals are used to bring knowledge directly by speech, through what they symbolize, and through their use in rituals. Eating special animals provided Celts with knowledge.
When Demne tastes by accident the salmon of wisdom caught by Finn Éces (Ford, 20) he gains such great wisdom that he is renamed.
Davidson (143) mentions the use of animal hides to enhance the contents of dreams.
However, the most common way of gaining knowledge from animals in Welsh and Celtic mythology was to talk with them or to interpret their actions.
Exceptionally magic or ancient animals speak the language of humans and can pass on their wisdom through speech.
By and large birds are associated with speech. Branwen took an ordinary starling and taught it to understand enough speech to find her brother (Ford, 65).
Gwyrhyr & Arthur's messengers conversed with an eagle, an owl, a stag, a blackbird, and a salmon to learn ancient knowledge from them (Ford, 148-149).
A special understanding of the speech of animals can yield a great advantage.
Some heros have gained knowledge of the speech of birds, enabling them to be warned of danger or told secrets by the birds. Davidson (87) mentions a less mythical middle-Irish manuscript describing how to determine the approach of visitors through interpretation of bird calls.
Animals appear as an omen by their appearance and activity through a symbolic message.
The type of animal and their activity is the substance of the message.
On the eve of his battle with Sir Mordred, King Arthur dreamt of being devoured by serpents, dragons, and other water beasts.
The serpents and dragons alone mean great troubles within the land.
King Arthur was destroyed by this mass of troubles, because the next day, he was defeated in a battle during the civil war with Sir Mordred (Baines, 497-498).
Another example of an omen is Deirdre's dream of the three great birds.
They arrived bearing honey and left with blood, symbolizing treachery on the part of king Conchobar (Pilkington, 177).
Movements of smaller animals, such as birds and rabbits, have also been interpreted to divine the future (Davidson, 11, MacCulloch, 219, 247).
Shape changing is another theme generally involving animals.
Sometimes humans are changed into the shape of other humans.
Merlin, King Uther Pendragon, Pwyll, and King Arawn are examples.
However, the forms changed into are most often those of animals.
MacCulloch and Davidson make several references to people being changed into animals as punishment.
This happens in the story Math Son of Mathonwy.
Generally, the animal shape is usually taken voluntarily in order to guard something or to gain an advantage in combat.
Spirits and supernatural beings also take animal forms to guard something.
According to Celtic myths, each holy place generally has a spirit guardian in the form of an animal. Each well, a spring, a river, a mound, or a grove often is likely to have its own spirit. Water places would have a guardian in the form of a fish (MacCulloch, 186).
Gods from the other world can assume animal forms for other reasons, also.
The god Lug may have become the small life that Deichtine consumed in order to become Cúchulainn, the guardian of the tribe of Ulster.
Battle while in animal form is commonly seen during a fight between two powerful opponents. The two pig keepers, Friuch and Rucht, assumed the shapes of many creatures to try to gain an advantage over one another after their rivalry escalated into a long fight (Kinsella, 46-50).
On a smaller scale, Morrígan fought against Cúchulainn using three different animal shapes in her efforts to gain an advantage (Kinsella, 132-137). Kinsella, 77, 150-153, 195).
Not all shape changes in battle are offensive.
One example that describes shape changing in a defensive manner is Gwion Bach's attempt to escape from Ceridwen by using different animal forms (Ford, 164, 173).
Another is Lleu Llaw Gyffes' escape from an assassination by fleeing in the shape of an eagle (Ford, 106-107).
In conclusion, the most frequently used animal symbols of the boar, fish, serpent, bird, and herd animals are closely connected with the physical well being of the tribe.
Divination of future events and past wisdom can be gained through proper use of animals.
Very powerful opponents take the shapes of animals for extra power.
Spirits and supernatural beings also take animal forms, often temporarily, before being reborn to guard a land or clan and thus its fertility.
Thus, animals symbolize the essence of fertility and vitality in Welsh and Celtic mythology.
Bibliography
Baines, Keith, trans. Malory's Le Morte D'Arthur: King Arthur and the Legends of the Round Table. Penguin Books: New York, NY, USA, 1962. xi-xx, 22-43, 118-136, 472-512 Return to: King Arthur's dragons and serpents, white deer, dreams of water beast as omens.
Davidson, H.R. Ellis. Myths and Symbols in Pagan Europe: Early Scandinavian and Celtic Religions. Syracuse University Press: Syracuse, NY, USA, 1988. 87, 90, 107Return to: birds, ravens and battle, cattle as food for the Celts, Horses as fertility symbols, horse and tribe's fertility, divination from animal movement, shape changing as a punishment, animal skins to enhance dreams, or birds as converyors of secrets.
Ford, Patrick K., trans. The Mabinogi and Other Medieval Welsh Tales. University of California Press: Berkeley, CA, USA, 1977. Return to: wisdom of the salmon, gaining wisdom through eating salmon, dragons as infertility, use birds to demonstrate prowess, bird songs or mist to leave mortal world, pursuing a magical boar into other worlds, supernatural dogs, Rhiannon's arrival on a supernatural horse, dragons and sterility, and mice and hard times.
Kinsella, Thomas, trans. The Tain. Oxford University Press: Oxford, England, 1969. Return to: birds as messengers, Connla's use of birds to demonstrate prowess, flock of birds consuming crops of Ulster, small creatures as souls, shape changing in battle.
MacCulloch, J. A. The Religion of the Ancient Celts. T. and T. Clark : Edinburgh, Scotland 1911. Return to: boars as symbols of strength and courage, boar bristles, salmon gain wisdom, tiny animals as souls, divination from animal movement, shape changing as a punishment, spirit guardians.
Pilkington, F. M., ed. "Deirdre and the Sons of Uisne." The Three Sorrowful Tales of Erin. The Bodley Head: London, England 1965. 127-232Return to: birds as omens in dreams.
Powell, T.G.E. The Celts. New Ed., Thames and Hudson: New York, NY, USA, 1980. Return to: boars and warriors or horses, cattle, and pigs in Celtic graves.
Sharkey, John. Celtic Mysteries: The Ancient Religion. Crossroad: New York, NY, USA, 1975.
Spector, Norman B., trans. The Romance of Tristan and Isolt. Northwestern University Press: Evanston, USA, 1973Return to: boars as warriors or dragons and infertility.
Animals in Celtic and Welsh mythology are tied in with fertility and vitality, because they are living, moving, and growing.
They also provide vitality and continued life for the tribes through their meat, skins, and bones. In addition, they are a connection to the realm of spirits and the gods.
This connection is seen through their use in the hunt, search for secrets and wisdom.
Specific animals have specific associations depending on the characteristics of the type of animal. Birds, fish, serpents, deer, cattle, swine, and so on all tend to be used as symbols.
Boars, fishes, serpents, birds, and herd animals are the most frequently described.
In addition to representing fertility and wealth, boars symbolize courage and strong warriors (MacCulloch, 356) for they are strong, dangerous, and very hard to kill.
Their appearance in dreams and visions also indicates warriors.
Isolt's forewarning of the death of Tristan, a great warrior, came in a dream about the death of a great boar (Spector, 85-86).
Statues of boars are occasionally found in the company of statues of armed warriors, (Powell, 176) further indicating an association between boars and warriors.
Great importance is attached to the bristles of the boar.
Perhaps they are the distinguishing characteristic of the animal or symbolize its strength.
For example, Fion is killed by stepping on a boar's bristle after breaking a geasa against hunting boars (MacCulloch, 150).
Some of the extraordinary boars, that King Arthur fights in Culhwch and Olwen, have bristles that are gold or silver.
Conversley, when Menw tries to steal treasures from Twrch Trwyth, he is only able to take a bristle.
The pig herders at the start of the Táin, Friuch and Rucht, are named after the bristle and the grunt of the boar, respectively.
It is the bristle of the boar, Friuch, that proves to have the most power; in the end, Friuch reborn as Donn Cuilnge destroys Rucht as Finnebach Ai.
The bristles of the boar are mentioned many other times implying that they are an important part of the animal.
Fish, salmon in particular, are associated with knowledge.
The child that grew to be called Taliesin, the wise magician, was found in a fish weir.
The significance of the salmon can be seen in many places.
Gwyrhr questioned a series of wise animals, each one wiser than the previous, the oldest and wisest of all was the salmon of Llyn Llyw (Ford, 148-149).
Cúchulainn used the hero's salmon leap across the Pupils' Bridge to get Scáthach's stronghold in order to gain access to Scáthach's advanced knowledge of arms.
To gain the secrets Cúchulainn had to use the hero's salmon leap to Scáthach herself in order to gain the secrets reserved for her family. Each leap in the land of sorcery brought Cúchulainn to greater knowledge.
Their wisdom can also be passed on by eating.
The magic salmon gain the power of wisdom by consuming the hazel nuts that drop into sacred springs (MacCulloch, 377).
By symbolically eating the salmon of wisdom, Demne gained such enormous wisdom that he was renamed (Ford, 20).
Perhaps this is at the root of the modern practice where children are told to eat fish to increase their intelligence.
Serpents and dragons symbolize trouble.
Whenever they appear, strife and infertility follow.
King Arthur's troubles with the future of his kingdom are presaged by dreams of dragons and serpents at the time of Sir Mordred's conception.
King Arthur drives them out, but is wounded (Baines, 36).
King Arthur is finally devoured by them in his last dream, subsequently his next battle is when Sir Mordred kills him.
It is interesting to note that it is the appearance of a snake that initiates the battle.
The swine herders before the Tain, Friuch and Rucht, ruin each other's land with snow during their magical fight, while in the forms of dragons (Ford, 48).
Dragons should be particularly troubling to a king, because the king is the symbol of the fertility of the tribe and its land and the dragons are the counter symbol, laying waste to the land and preventing new growth.
Birds are usually used to represent prophetic knowledge, (Davidson, 91) bloodshed, and skill.
In an omen, birds can be either the message or the messenger.
For example, Morrígan came in the shape of a bird to warn the Brown Bull (Kinsella, 98).
The interpretation of their calls and movements can lead to knowledge of future events.
Birds, especially ravens and crows, usually presage bloodshed and battle, when they are associated with it, sticking with the theme of prophesy.
Deirdre's dream of three birds drawing blood foreshadowed death and Lleu Llaw Gyffes was shedding rotting flesh and maggots while in the form of an eagle.
The Irish war goddesses were said to call the ravens down to battle fields to feast on the flesh of the slain (Davidson, 98).
Even normal, modern crows and ravens descend to feed on corpses along the road.
Birds can also be used to demonstrate a warrior's prowess by their method of capture.
Lleu Llaw Gyffes was so skilled he could hit birds with a stone without killing them outright (Ford, 101).
Cúchulainn demonstrated even more prowess capturing birds skillfully, but his son, Connla was still more skilled.
He could not only stun them with a stone, but also with only his voice (Kinsella, 39, 91).
Horses, cattle, and pigs represent fertility.
Horse, cattle, and pig bones are found in Welsh and Celtic graves, (Powell, 28) indicating that they were very important to those cultures.
The prosperity of the clan is reflected in the prosperity of its herds.
Cattle were a major Celtic food source (Davidson, 52)and as such, would be proportionally important to the success and survival of the tribe.
Later, pigs became added to the diet of the Irish.
Horses were also seen to symbolize fertility. Davidson (54) Davidsondescribed rituals where the leader of the tribe mated with a horse.
The bull, which is the leader of the cattle, symbolized the herd and its fertility just as the king would symbolize the clan and its fertility, thus joining the fertility of the horse with the tribe's.
The theme of the hunt uses animals to pass to and from the realm of magic and the gods in Celtic and Welsh mythology.
For example, during the excitement of the hunt, the chosen party pursues an unusually fleet of foot, magical prey out of the world of the mortals and into a place of magic.
Other ways to enter the other world are by charm, like the song from magical birds (Ford, 71), or by spell, like the mist descending over land (Ford, 77).
Wells, springs, rivers, and earthen mounds are some of the magical places that border with or co-exist in the other world.
In these places, magic is much more prevalent and sometimes even time passes differently there.
The magical animals are noteworthy in appearance and get the attention of the hunter by their supernatural shape, color, speed, and power.
There are many other examples of the pursuit of supernatural beasts throughout Celtic and Welsh mythology with the common characteristic being their unnatural, white color.
While pursuing a large, white deer, King Arthur arrives at Sir Pellinore's well, a magical site, without his hunting party or his horse (Baines, 37).
Pryderi and Manawydan pursue a "gleaming white boar" (Ford, 80) which leads them and their dogs to a magical trap. The bright white animals from the other world sometimes have bright, glowing, red ears, but they are not a natural type of white or red.
Prince Pwyll encounters king Arawn's dogs from the other world.
The dogs appear with "glittering bright white" and red ears that glitter as brightly as their white bodies (Ford, 37).
Rhiannon arrives from the other world on her white horse at an earthen mound (Ford, 42-45).
Fertility and continuation of the clan was a major concern of the Celtic and Welsh peoples.
Here again, animals figured strongly with fertility in Celtic and Welsh mythology.
A prosperous tribe was indicated by healthy, plentiful animals.
A few animals are associated with infertility because their success is incompatible with the survival of the tribe.
For example, dragons indicate lack of fertility.
Two dragons were heard screaming on the island of Britain every May 1st, and this caused sterility in all living creatures of the land and water (Ford, 113-116).
A dragon briefly ravaged Ireland, ruining the land and preventing daily activities (Spector, 17-18).
The dragons had to be destroyed in order to restore the fertility of the land.
No specific causes were given for the arrival of the dragons.
A vague, magical power, but no clear purpose was given to the nine scores of birds that consumed the fertility of the fields of Ulster (Kinsella, 21).
They just happened.
So, it is quite likely that they are merely symbols of hard times.
However, more earthly explanations, like revenge or a curse, have been the cause for destruction or loss of fertility.
Under a spell, hoards of warriors disguised as mice ravaged Manawydon's wheat, destroying the fertility of his land as revenge for Gwawl (Ford, 82-87).
Birth and rebirth are fertility.
The Celts believed that souls were manifested as tiny animals or beings (MacCulloch, 160).
Lleu Llaw Gyffes was grown from "some little thing" (Ford, 98-99).
If such a magical being was eaten by a female, then it would grow until she gave birth to it.
This is illustrated in the rebirths of Taliesin, Sétanta, Finnebach Ai, and Donn Cuailnge who were all consumed by their mothers as tiny creatures and then reborn.
Taliesin had been Gwion Bach disguised as a grain of wheat (Ford, 164, 173) and Sétanta, later known as Cúchulainn, had been a vague, tiny creature in a drink, possibly the soul of the god Lug (Kinsella, 23).
Both Taliesin and Cúchulainn had extraordinary abilities extending to the supernatural, and Taliesin even described himself as having previously been Gwion Bach.
Friuch and Rucht changed into maggots, very small creatures, and were consumed by cows while fighting each other in a battle of magic.
They became reborn as the extraordinary bulls Finnebach Ai and Donn Cuailnge.
They continued to escalate their combat by involving the tribes of Ireland, suggesting at least partial survival of their personalities.
Animals are used to bring knowledge directly by speech, through what they symbolize, and through their use in rituals. Eating special animals provided Celts with knowledge.
When Demne tastes by accident the salmon of wisdom caught by Finn Éces (Ford, 20) he gains such great wisdom that he is renamed.
Davidson (143) mentions the use of animal hides to enhance the contents of dreams.
However, the most common way of gaining knowledge from animals in Welsh and Celtic mythology was to talk with them or to interpret their actions.
Exceptionally magic or ancient animals speak the language of humans and can pass on their wisdom through speech.
By and large birds are associated with speech. Branwen took an ordinary starling and taught it to understand enough speech to find her brother (Ford, 65).
Gwyrhyr & Arthur's messengers conversed with an eagle, an owl, a stag, a blackbird, and a salmon to learn ancient knowledge from them (Ford, 148-149).
A special understanding of the speech of animals can yield a great advantage.
Some heros have gained knowledge of the speech of birds, enabling them to be warned of danger or told secrets by the birds. Davidson (87) mentions a less mythical middle-Irish manuscript describing how to determine the approach of visitors through interpretation of bird calls.
Animals appear as an omen by their appearance and activity through a symbolic message.
The type of animal and their activity is the substance of the message.
On the eve of his battle with Sir Mordred, King Arthur dreamt of being devoured by serpents, dragons, and other water beasts.
The serpents and dragons alone mean great troubles within the land.
King Arthur was destroyed by this mass of troubles, because the next day, he was defeated in a battle during the civil war with Sir Mordred (Baines, 497-498).
Another example of an omen is Deirdre's dream of the three great birds.
They arrived bearing honey and left with blood, symbolizing treachery on the part of king Conchobar (Pilkington, 177).
Movements of smaller animals, such as birds and rabbits, have also been interpreted to divine the future (Davidson, 11, MacCulloch, 219, 247).
Shape changing is another theme generally involving animals.
Sometimes humans are changed into the shape of other humans.
Merlin, King Uther Pendragon, Pwyll, and King Arawn are examples.
However, the forms changed into are most often those of animals.
MacCulloch and Davidson make several references to people being changed into animals as punishment.
This happens in the story Math Son of Mathonwy.
Generally, the animal shape is usually taken voluntarily in order to guard something or to gain an advantage in combat.
Spirits and supernatural beings also take animal forms to guard something.
According to Celtic myths, each holy place generally has a spirit guardian in the form of an animal. Each well, a spring, a river, a mound, or a grove often is likely to have its own spirit. Water places would have a guardian in the form of a fish (MacCulloch, 186).
Gods from the other world can assume animal forms for other reasons, also.
The god Lug may have become the small life that Deichtine consumed in order to become Cúchulainn, the guardian of the tribe of Ulster.
Battle while in animal form is commonly seen during a fight between two powerful opponents. The two pig keepers, Friuch and Rucht, assumed the shapes of many creatures to try to gain an advantage over one another after their rivalry escalated into a long fight (Kinsella, 46-50).
On a smaller scale, Morrígan fought against Cúchulainn using three different animal shapes in her efforts to gain an advantage (Kinsella, 132-137). Kinsella, 77, 150-153, 195).
Not all shape changes in battle are offensive.
One example that describes shape changing in a defensive manner is Gwion Bach's attempt to escape from Ceridwen by using different animal forms (Ford, 164, 173).
Another is Lleu Llaw Gyffes' escape from an assassination by fleeing in the shape of an eagle (Ford, 106-107).
In conclusion, the most frequently used animal symbols of the boar, fish, serpent, bird, and herd animals are closely connected with the physical well being of the tribe.
Divination of future events and past wisdom can be gained through proper use of animals.
Very powerful opponents take the shapes of animals for extra power.
Spirits and supernatural beings also take animal forms, often temporarily, before being reborn to guard a land or clan and thus its fertility.
Thus, animals symbolize the essence of fertility and vitality in Welsh and Celtic mythology.
Bibliography
Baines, Keith, trans. Malory's Le Morte D'Arthur: King Arthur and the Legends of the Round Table. Penguin Books: New York, NY, USA, 1962. xi-xx, 22-43, 118-136, 472-512 Return to: King Arthur's dragons and serpents, white deer, dreams of water beast as omens.
Davidson, H.R. Ellis. Myths and Symbols in Pagan Europe: Early Scandinavian and Celtic Religions. Syracuse University Press: Syracuse, NY, USA, 1988. 87, 90, 107Return to: birds, ravens and battle, cattle as food for the Celts, Horses as fertility symbols, horse and tribe's fertility, divination from animal movement, shape changing as a punishment, animal skins to enhance dreams, or birds as converyors of secrets.
Ford, Patrick K., trans. The Mabinogi and Other Medieval Welsh Tales. University of California Press: Berkeley, CA, USA, 1977. Return to: wisdom of the salmon, gaining wisdom through eating salmon, dragons as infertility, use birds to demonstrate prowess, bird songs or mist to leave mortal world, pursuing a magical boar into other worlds, supernatural dogs, Rhiannon's arrival on a supernatural horse, dragons and sterility, and mice and hard times.
Kinsella, Thomas, trans. The Tain. Oxford University Press: Oxford, England, 1969. Return to: birds as messengers, Connla's use of birds to demonstrate prowess, flock of birds consuming crops of Ulster, small creatures as souls, shape changing in battle.
MacCulloch, J. A. The Religion of the Ancient Celts. T. and T. Clark : Edinburgh, Scotland 1911. Return to: boars as symbols of strength and courage, boar bristles, salmon gain wisdom, tiny animals as souls, divination from animal movement, shape changing as a punishment, spirit guardians.
Pilkington, F. M., ed. "Deirdre and the Sons of Uisne." The Three Sorrowful Tales of Erin. The Bodley Head: London, England 1965. 127-232Return to: birds as omens in dreams.
Powell, T.G.E. The Celts. New Ed., Thames and Hudson: New York, NY, USA, 1980. Return to: boars and warriors or horses, cattle, and pigs in Celtic graves.
Sharkey, John. Celtic Mysteries: The Ancient Religion. Crossroad: New York, NY, USA, 1975.
Spector, Norman B., trans. The Romance of Tristan and Isolt. Northwestern University Press: Evanston, USA, 1973Return to: boars as warriors or dragons and infertility.
Celtic Values
This is a collection of short posts from the IMBAS mailing list dealing with the values that were important in Pagan Celtic cultures.
These posts were written by scholar Alexei Kondratiev and explore the values using comparative linguistics.
The traditional Irish word that is usually translated as "honor" is 'oineach' which (by way of 'ainech') goes back to Old Irish 'enech' which originally means "face" (from Old Celtic 'eniequos') -- cognates in Welsh 'wyneb', Cornish and Breton 'enep' (same meaning).
The Irish word that best translates "loyalty" is 'tairise' (from Old Irish 'tairisiu'), which literally means "steadfastness".
The general term for "hospitality" in early Irish is 'oígidecht' (modern 'aíocht'), derived from 'oígi' "stranger, newcomer", from a root that may have implied "travelling, being out of one's home territory".
The basic term for "honesty" in Old Irish is 'indracus' (modern 'ionracas') from 'indraic' (modern 'ionraic') "honest".
The oldest word for "just" and "justice" in Irish is probably 'cóir' (oldest form 'coair'), which comes from Old Celtic 'ko-uéro-' "in accordance with the truth" (cf. the more transparent Welsh cognate 'cywir', which in modern usage means "correct').
'Meisnech' (modern 'misneach') means "courage" in the sense of being able to keep one's head (it comes from the root 'med-' "to measure, to reckon").
These posts were written by scholar Alexei Kondratiev and explore the values using comparative linguistics.
The traditional Irish word that is usually translated as "honor" is 'oineach' which (by way of 'ainech') goes back to Old Irish 'enech' which originally means "face" (from Old Celtic 'eniequos') -- cognates in Welsh 'wyneb', Cornish and Breton 'enep' (same meaning).
Thus the idea of honor is primarily related to one's "face" which must be saved in the eyes of the community.
A closely related concept, often mentioned in the same contexts, is that of 'clú' ("reputation" or "fame"), which comes from an Indo-European root meaning "to hear" and thus refers to what is being said about someone.
To be honorable, then, is to maintain one's "face" before the community and to be "heard of" in a good way.
Dishonor comes from losing "face" and being "heard of" in a bad way.
The term 'enech' also expresses the idea of personal power, since as long as one has "face" in the community one is able to influence others: thus people or things that are your responsibility or otherwise under your protection are described as being "on" or "under" your "face".
When you lose "face", of course, you're no longer able to extend the protection.
What emerges from this is a sense of honor and dishonor being very much defined by the community, rather than the individually chosen codes of honor that are more characteristic of our modern way of thinking.
What emerges from this is a sense of honor and dishonor being very much defined by the community, rather than the individually chosen codes of honor that are more characteristic of our modern way of thinking.
The Irish word that best translates "loyalty" is 'tairise' (from Old Irish 'tairisiu'), which literally means "steadfastness".
Originally it had both passive and active meanings: i.e. it implied a state of trust in the other as well as consistent involvement for the other's benefit.
The key notion here is consistency, sticking to one's chosen position in relation to other people.
The other word often used for "loyal" is 'dílis' (Old Irish 'díles'), which comes from Old Celtic 'dílestos' and also appears as Welsh 'dilys'.
The other word often used for "loyal" is 'dílis' (Old Irish 'díles'), which comes from Old Celtic 'dílestos' and also appears as Welsh 'dilys'.
This is the secondary meaning of a term widely used in Brehon Law to mean "inalienable property": the idea is something that is unquestionably the attribute of something else.
Thus it also comes to refer to consistency and permanence: certain (desirable) traits and sentiments are so deeply imbedded in the person that they are unchangeable and can be depended upon.
In modern Welsh usage 'dilys' often means "authentic".
The general term for "hospitality" in early Irish is 'oígidecht' (modern 'aíocht'), derived from 'oígi' "stranger, newcomer", from a root that may have implied "travelling, being out of one's home territory".
Thus the term means "dealing with strangers" - i.e. people who don't belong to one's household. Needless to say, rules for helping people who were not your kin were of paramount importance in ancient times, and were the one thing that made travel and trade possible.
Although the mythology suggests that unlimited hospitality was the original ideal, by the early Middle Ages the legal system clearly defined obligations and limited what those with little material means (e.g. the 'fir midbotha' or men who didn't have title to their homes) had to provide.
Although the mythology suggests that unlimited hospitality was the original ideal, by the early Middle Ages the legal system clearly defined obligations and limited what those with little material means (e.g. the 'fir midbotha' or men who didn't have title to their homes) had to provide.
And there were professional hospitallers ('briugu', modern 'brughaidh') who took the pressure off ordinary people.
The basic term for "honesty" in Old Irish is 'indracus' (modern 'ionracas') from 'indraic' (modern 'ionraic') "honest".
This generally meant someone or something that showed integrity, that was not flawed.
There is a folk etymology (accepted by some early linguists) that derives it from 'in+reic-' ("sellable", as of an undamaged item -- this is actually one of the contexts in which it was used). It's more likely that the second element is the root 'reg-' "to put in order" (whence the English "right").
The original meaning would thus have been "right/correct inside".
In later Irish the words 'cneasta' (from Old Irish 'cnesta' "healed, returned to its proper form") and 'macánta' ("filial, behaving like one's son or child") are often used to convey the meaning "honest".
In later Irish the words 'cneasta' (from Old Irish 'cnesta' "healed, returned to its proper form") and 'macánta' ("filial, behaving like one's son or child") are often used to convey the meaning "honest".
The idea expressed is guilelessness, openness and friendliness in dealing with others.
In the same vein, Welsh uses 'didwyll' ("without deceit") and Breton uses 'reizh' ("right") to mean "honest", although both have borrowed 'onest' from Norman French (as has English).
In the same vein, Welsh uses 'didwyll' ("without deceit") and Breton uses 'reizh' ("right") to mean "honest", although both have borrowed 'onest' from Norman French (as has English).
The oldest word for "just" and "justice" in Irish is probably 'cóir' (oldest form 'coair'), which comes from Old Celtic 'ko-uéro-' "in accordance with the truth" (cf. the more transparent Welsh cognate 'cywir', which in modern usage means "correct').
As usual, we have the basic Celtic concept of Truth ('uéron') which refers to a cosmic, indisputable rightness which human behaviour must seek to imitate.
Other Celtic words for justice are related to the same idea: Welsh 'cyfiawnder' from 'cyfiawn' "just" (literally "in conformity with rightness"), Breton 'reizh' (from Old Celtic 'rextion' "that which is [properly] ruled", and cognate with English "right").
The later Irish word for "justice" is 'cert' (modern 'ceart'), which appears to be a borrowing from Latin 'certus' "certain, sure".
The later Irish word for "justice" is 'cert' (modern 'ceart'), which appears to be a borrowing from Latin 'certus' "certain, sure".
'Meisnech' (modern 'misneach') means "courage" in the sense of being able to keep one's head (it comes from the root 'med-' "to measure, to reckon").
It generally implies that one can maintain control over one's mood.
'Calmacht' (derived from the adjective 'calma') comes from a root that means "hard" (the same as in Welsh 'caled' "hard") and implies strength in endurance.
The same is true of 'cródacht' (modern 'crógacht'), derived from 'cródae' (modern 'cróga'), which originally meant something like "bloodthirsty", the hardness that prevents one from being swayed by pity in battle; eventually this came to mean simply "bravery" in all senses.
'Uchtach' comes from 'ucht' "breast, bosom" and originally meant a breastplate, and then acquired an abstract meaning of moral defense; it was also understood as "spirit, mettle".
All the Brythonic languages use 'calon' ('kalon'/'kolonn') "heart" to mean "courage" (notice that it's also formed from the root that means "hard").
All the Brythonic languages use 'calon' ('kalon'/'kolonn') "heart" to mean "courage" (notice that it's also formed from the root that means "hard").
Welsh also uses 'gwroldeb' derived from 'gwrol' which means "male-like, typifying masculine virtues", as well as 'dewrder' derived from 'dewr', which had similar connotations.
Older Welsh also used the word 'glew' which basically means "bold, daring" -- as in the name of King Arthur's doorkeeper, Glewlwyd Gafaelfawr "The Bold Grey One of the Mighty Grasp".
quarta-feira, 7 de novembro de 2007
Wicca Alexandrina
Redigido pelos Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca em 14 de Novembro de 2004
O que é a Wicca?
Os Alexandrinos definem a Wicca como uma religião Iniciática, Mistérica Pagã sujeita a juramentação de votos, experimental por natureza e que tem as suas origens nas Ilhas Britânicas.
No entanto o termo “Wicca” ter sido adoptado pelo movimento Pagão/Neo-Wiccan que tem vindo a crescer nos últimos vinte anos. Para distinguir as Tradições originais da Wicca dos grupos não iniciáticos, referimo-nos à nossa Tradição como ‘British Traditional Wicca’ (BTW) nos Estados Unidos e na Europa como ‘Traditional Wicca’ (TW).
Para simplificar as coisas, neste artigo sempre que se refere a Wicca, estamos a referirmo-nos-nos exclusivamente à BTW/TW a não ser que seja indicado o contrário.1
Origens da Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca
Será importante lembrar que as “tradições” tal como as conhecemos agora, não existiam no inicio da ‘Tradição Alexandrina’.
A nossa Tradição tem as suas origens naquilo que hoje se chama a Wicca Gardneriana, a qual na altura se chamava simplesmente “The Wica” ou “A Velha Religião”.
O nome “Alexandrina” é na generalidade visto pelos iniciados da Tradição como uma referência ao seu ‘fundador’, Alex Sanders, mas também uma referência à Grande Biblioteca de Alexandria, a qual era o centro do conhecimento Oculto da Antiguidade.
Alex Sanders foi iniciado na Wicca no inicio dos anos 60.
Mais tarde ficou conhecido por ser um excelente Mago Cerimonial e pelo título de “Rei das Bruxas(os)” o qual lhe foi atribuído pelos lideres de alguns dos seus Covens no final dos anos 60.
Segundo Maxine Sanders, sua ex-mulher, ele era membro de pelo menos dois Covens antes de casar com Maxine e de fundar o Coven Alexandrino de Londres (London Coven) do qual muitos Alexandrinos descendem.
Alex era bastante extrovertido e, entre outras coisas, um show-man nato.
Ele tirava partido da Imprensa sempre que tinha oportunidade, para grande desconforto na altura de alguns Anciãos mais conservadores.
Alex era conhecido por ser um excelente curandeiro, um prescutador e um poderoso bruxo e mago.
As suas incursões nos média valeram-lhe a publicação da sua biografia romantizada sob o título de King of the Witches da autora June Johns e mais tarde à publicação da clássica ‘biografia de um Coven’, What Witches Do, de Stewart Farrar.
Os Sanders tornaram-se bastante conhecidos no Reino Unido durante os anos 60 e 70 e são responsáveis por terem revelado e trazido a Craft a público pela primeira vez.
Um excerto de um texto de Maxine Sanders descreve de forma exemplar todo este processo:
“Apesar do interesse extremo dos paparazzi, as muitas e sinceras Iniciações feitas nos Covens de Alex e Maxine Sanders, durante e desde esse período, vieram criar lugar para uma linhagem da Witchcraft que desde então se espalhou por todo o mundo.”
E de facto foi o que aconteceu.
Em parte como resultado das incursões feitas por Alex Sanders nos média, mas também como resultado dos conflitos entre Alex Sanders e duas conhecidas Sacerdotisas Wiccan da altura, formou-se uma clara divergência, que resultou no crescimento gradual do que posteriormente se veio a chamar de Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca, nascendo assim uma das primeiras ‘tradições’ modernas da wicca.
O termo “Alexandrina” foi, segundo Maxine Sanders, atribuído por Stewart Farrar aquando da escrita do seu livro What Witches Do em 1970.
No entanto, uma entrevista com Sanders feita por Stewart Farrar em 1969, Alex clarifica um pouco mais esta questão. Alex é citado dizendo:
“aqueles [feiticeiros(as)] que não querem publicidade, têm a tendência de se referir aos meus(minhas) Bruxos(as) como ‘Alexandrinos’.”
Eis a explicação.
Ou o termo foi uma criação de Alex Sanders ou o resultado de um termo inventado como referência sarcástica e crítica, da mesma forma que o termo “Gardnerianos”.
Os primeiros iniciados de Sanders referem-se a si próprios simplesmente como “The Wicca” (Os Wicca) ou Witches (Feiticeiros ou Bruxos).
O nome da linhagem de Sanders foi aplicado apenas nos princípios dos anos 70.
A nossa Tradição tem tido ambas a felicidade e infelicidade de ser uma das, se não a Tradição Wiccan melhor documentada até à data . Naturalmente muitas confusões têm surgido à cerca da nossa Tradição, as quais se espera que fiquem esclarecidas neste artigo.
Ao contrário daquilo que normalmente se pensa, nem todos os Alexandrinos trabalham Magia Cerimonial, tal como a Cabala, Magia dos Anjos ou Magia Enochian.
Alguns praticam-nas, outros não.
Alex Sanders encontrava-se sempre num processo evolutivo das suas próprias práticas mágicas passando novos conhecimentos e técnicas aos seus iniciados.
O resultado deste processo está na existência de muitas linhagens diferentes que descendem de Alex Sanders, cada uma com as suas particularidades mas partilhando do mesmo corpo de conhecimento Tradicional Wiccano.
Alguns Alexandrinos estão fortemente orientados no sentido da Magia Cerimonial enquanto outros estão mais orientados para a Magia Popular.
Tudo depende não só da linhagem e origem de cada um, como também das opções individuais e de Coven.
O ensino sempre foi um ex libris da Tradição Alexandrina, com cada nova geração adicionando mais conhecimento à geração precedente contribuindo para a constituição de Sacerdotes e Feiticeiros(as) detentores de novos conhecimentos.
Esta diversidade proporciona uma tradição dinâmica e efectiva, com os pés bem assentes na Wicca Tradicional mas de olhos no futuro.
Outra das muitas confusões à cerca da Tradição prende-se com a publicação que Alex Sanders e o casal Farrar fizeram dos conhecimentos integrais da tradição, bem como o Livro das Sombras na sua totalidade.
Qualquer um que leia os livros tanto de Alex Sanders como dos Farrar verificarão que isto é absolutamente falso, mesmo até pelas declarações dos próprios autores nas suas obras.
Alex Sanders fez a sua passagem para Além do Véu na Noite de Beltane em 30 de Abril de 1988 depois de ter sofrido e convalescido de cancro do pulmão. Após a morte de Alex Sanders, o Concelho Britânico dos Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina reuniu-se e redigiu o seguinte documento:
Declaração do Concelho de Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina
Na Quinta-Feira dia 12 de Maio de 1988 reuniram-se os Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina
É da Lei da Craft que um Rei seja escolhido pela Craft quando a necessidade assim o exige. Depois de larga consideração, foi decidido que não existe necessidade da existência de um Rei das Bruxas.
Felizmente que assim é pois não existe neste momento ninguém que esteja devidamente preparado para desempenhar tal papel.
Alex Sanders conduziu os Filhos Ocultos da Deusa na Luz. Foi uma tarefa excepcionalmente bem desempenhada, e foi também o seu ultimo e mais profundo desejo que estes continuem o seu trabalho na luz.
Tal Concelho nunca mais se reuniu.
Crenças:
Tradicionalmente nós trabalhamos com e prestamos homenagem aos Antigos Deuses da Europa, com maior incidência na Deusa da Lua e no seu Consorte, o dos Cornos.
Os nossos Deuses não são ciumentos, e como tal, os iniciados Alexandrinos poderão trabalhar com outras divindades a nível pessoal ou em grupo.
Almejamos uma ligação e entendimento pessoal com a divindade e com os nossos ancestrais, mas também com com os ritmos e marés da natureza, e como tal não temos intermediarios, apenas Sacerdotes e Sacerdotisas.
Acreditamos no poder da magia e no uso de técnicas tradicionais e técnicas novas para atingir os nossos objectivos.
O Papel do Clero:
A Wicca é muito diferente de outras religiões pois não temos intermediarios.
Cada iniciado da nossa Tradição é um Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa dos nossos Deuses por direito.
Alguns dos nossos Sacerdotes e Sacerdotisas são bastante activos nas comunidades pagãs locais, proporcionando handfastings (casamentos) e outros ritos de passagem bem como Festivais públicos.
Outros trabalham fora do olhar do público concentrando-se no trabalho dos seus Covens ou nas suas demandas pessoais.
Organização de Grupos:
A Tradição Alexandrina está organizada em Covens.
Alguns grupos trabalham skyclad[1] enquanto outros preferem trabalhar com túnicas. Independentemente da preferência do Coven, alguns ritos são feitos skyclad[1] por todos os Covens Alexandrinos reconhecidos.
Para se tornar um iniciado da Tradição Alexandrina, tem de se ser iniciado por um Sumo Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa Alexandrina devidamente preparada e autorizada numa iniciação cruzada em género[2].
Os nossos ritos de iniciação tradicionais deverão ser usados sem omissões, tal como foram passados por cada linhagem desde o Coven Alexandrino original.
A “Auto-iniciação” não é possível na Wicca Alexandrina.
A nossa Tradição contém três níveis chamados Graus.
Um iniciado do primeiro grau é um Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa da Tradição e um iniciado do segundo grau, é um Sumo Sacerdote ou Sumo Sacerdotisa da tradição e Ancião do Coven.
O terceiro grau é normalmente reservado aos lideres de Coven.
O tempo entre cada grau pode variar substancialmente de linhagem para linhagem e depende dos objectivos e pontos de vista de cada Coven no que respeita à iniciação e à experiência na aprendizagem.
Na Tradição Alexandrina cada individuo têm a sua progressão através dos graus, no seu crescimento interior e nos Deuses, não no tempo em que fica em cada um dos níveis.
Um iniciado de segundo grau poderá deixar o seu Coven e formar um novo, e também pode iniciar até ao seu grau na maior parte das linhagens, com a autorização dos seus Anciãos.
Os Covens liderados por Sumo Sacerdotes/Sacerdotisas de segundo grau estão sujeitos à orientação e autoridade dos Sumo Sacerdotes do Coven Mãe[3} até estarem preparados para serem elevados ao terceiro grau.
O nível de autoridade que um Ancião de segundo grau tem, varia muito de linhagem para linhagem.
Um Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa de terceiro grau é completamente autónomo na nossa tradição, respondendo apenas aos Deuses e à Tradição em geral.
Autonomia não significa falta de discernimento ou sensatez.
Alem disto, muitas linhagens optam por ter no seu sistema um grau de neófito ou dedicante, permitindo a um individuo válido[4] participar em certos ritos antes de se dedicar aos Deuses de forma definitiva.
Isto faz com que o candidato seja exposto não só à Tradição mas também aos laços de “família” que constituem um Coven.
Permite também que tanto o candidato como os Anciãos do Coven possam decidir se a vocação e a dinâmica inter-pessoal existem no candidato ou não.
A nossa Tradição é Matriarcal.
A Sumo Sacerdotisa é considerada ‘prima inter paris’[5] e detém a palavra final em todos os assuntos de Coven.
Tradicionalmente a palavra de um Sumo Sacerdote ou Sumo Sacerdotisa é lei dentro do Coven. Este sistema tem vindo a ser chamado por alguns “uma ditadura benevolente”.
Tradicionalmente o Sumo Sacerdote co-lidera em cooperação com e apoiando a Sumo Sacerdotisa.
A Linhagem Iniciática é verificada em cruzamento de géneros[2] (feminino, masculino, feminino, etc) até a Alex Sanders e as suas Sumo Sacerdotisas tais como Maxine Sanders. As informações sobre a linhagem não estão sujeitas a juramento de segredo na nossa Tradição, mas também não são do domínio público, e a maior parte das vezes é considerado um assunto pessoal e privado.
Pouco tempo depois da Iniciação, cada candidato começa a copiar o Livro das Sombras pelo manuscrito do seu Iniciador.
É da responsabilidade de cada Iniciador, passar a Tradição, tanto oral como escrita, tal como lhe foi passada, sem quaisquer omissões.
Desta forma, a continuidade da nossa herança é assegurada.
O Livro das Sombras Alexandrino contém conhecimentos comuns a todas as linhagens embora com pequenas diferenças de linhagem para linhagem, pois Alex Sanders e os seus Iniciados estavam envolvidos num processo constante de evolução.
A essência do Livro das Sombras e os ritos de iniciação são a chave para todos os Alexandrinos legítimos, pois constituem o conhecimento comum que nos une a todos.
Contrariamente ao que se possa pensar, um indivíduo não pode comprar um Livro das Sombras Alexandrino, nem fazer o seu download através da Internet.
Embora estes livros[6] existam, são apenas compilações de informações/documentos já publicados e a intenção da sua existência apenas se justifica na perspectiva de constituir um conjunto de documentos, similares em estilo, ao Livro das Sombras que podem ser utilizados, apenas como referência, pelo estudante sério da tradição.
Estes documentos são, no entanto, diferentes do Livro das Sombras utilizado pelos Iniciados.
A única forma de obter um Livro das Sombras Alexandrino completo é ser iniciado de forma honrada.
A natureza e prática exacta dos Covens Alexandrinos poderá variar de linhagem para linhagem e de Coven para Coven mas com certos limites.
O treino/ensino foi sempre fortemente implementado na nossa Tradição vindo logo a seguir, em prioridade, ao serviço aos nossos Deuses. A maior parte dos Covens Alexandrinos têm um forte sentido de ‘familia’ bem como a consciência de que fazem parte de uma família maior e mais alargada Internacionalmente.
Festivais
A Wicca Alexandrina festeja os oito Sabbats da Roda do Ano.
Também nos reunimos tradicionalmente para celebrar os Esbats nas Luas Cheias realizando trabalhos, ensinando e celebrando a Deusa.
Ao contrário do que se pensa, nós não trabalhamos os Ciclos do Rei Carvalho e do Rei Azevinho, tal como é descrito pelos Farrar no seu livro Oito Sabbats para Bruxas (Eight Sabbats for Witches).
Embora alguns Covens e até alguns Feiticeiros(as) possam optar por trabalhar esses ritos, os Ciclos dos Reis Carvalho/Azevinho, NÃO fazem parte da Tradição Alexandrina.
Os próprios Farrar o clarificam no seu livro, mas no entanto a confusão ainda persiste.
Normas de Conduta
A Iniciação e Elevação na Wicca é um privilégio e não um direito.
A iniciação não é oferecida de forma leviana.
Para ser Iniciado na Wicca como Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa, deve-se em primeiro lugar ser um individuo válido[7].
São os Anciãos do Coven que decidem a presença deste estatuto no individuo - juntamente com a ajuda e opinião daqueles que já fazem parte do grupo.
A sinceridade, o carácter, a maturidade, as escolhas espirituais, nível de compromisso, sentido ético e personalidade do candidato(a) são sempre considerados além de sinais esotéricos que os Anciãos possam encontrar.
Principalmente e em primeiro lugar, deverão consultar o Deus/Deusa e procurar o seu consentimento.
Os Anciãos devem também considerar se o candidato(a) poderá por ou não a Tradição em risco, abusar dos Mistérios os quais lhe serão confiados após a iniciação.
Resumindo, os Anciãos deverão confiar no seu próprio julgamento e intuição de forma serena e equilibrada.
Deverá existir empatia entre novos Iniciados e o Coven no qual eles são iniciados.
Um indivíduo que seja na generalidade válido para ser iniciado, poderá não ser aceite num grupo mas poder-se-á dar bem noutro.
O caminho do Sacerdócio não serve para aqueles que o procuram apenas pelo ‘estatuto’ ou simplesmente por ser uma experiência “radical”.
O caminho Iniciático não serve também aqueles que são mental, espiritual e emocionalmente desequilibrados.
É regra da Wicca que nunca se cobra dinheiro por Iniciações e/ou treino/ensino da nossa religião.
Na Tradição Alexandrina alguns Covens partilham as despesas básicas, pagando uma espécie de ‘cota’ ou simplesmente fazendo “passar o Chapéu da Bruxa” à medida que as despesas vão surgindo.
Temos a obrigação de manter a privacidade de outros iniciados.
Como tal, revelar o nome e identidade de outro Feiticeiro(a) sem o seu consentimento é evitado a todo o custo.
A linha de conduta da Ética da Tradição Alexandrina é a Rede Wiccan “Faz o que quiseres, mas não prejudiques a ninguém”.
Ao contrário do que se pensa, esta ‘máxima’ apenas refere que toda a actividade que não prejudique ninguém é permissiva.
Sem prejuízo a ninguém é um ideal nobre, mas não é de maneira nenhuma para ser tomado literalmente.
É literalmente impossível que um individuo possa viver a sua vida sem prejudicar ou causar prejuízo a nada ou ninguém.
No entanto somos totalmente responsáveis pelas escolhas que fazemos na nossa vida.
Uma das formas de interpretar a Rede é seguir o nosso mais alto ideal (o Querer - faz o que quiseres…) o que implica a escolha do caminho que cause menos prejuízo.
Á medida que crescemos na compreensão dos mistérios dos ciclos e marés da vida, começamos a tomar consciência da nossa ligação intrínseca a todos os seres do planeta.
O conceito de “Verdadeiro Querer” começa então a indiciar que o nosso trabalho se direcciona no sentido do bem supremo da forma que acharmos ser a mais apropriada.2
Formas de Culto
A Tradição Alexandrina é uma Tradição de Mistérios sujeita a ajuramentação de votos de segredo, e como tal, muitos dos pormenores de como e porquê trabalhamos da forma como trabalhamos, são segredo.
Este secretismo entre Iniciados da Wicca de Tradição Britânica tem vindo a ser alvo de detractores, implicando nas suas alegações que na certa se existe segredo é porque aquilo que fazemos não é lícito ou bom, ou então, que mantemos o secretismo com o propósito de enaltecer o ego (”temos algo que vocês não sabem o que é e por isso somos melhores que vós“).
Posto de forma simples, nenhuma destas alegações é verdadeira.
A nossa Tradição e tudo o que a constitui, é sagrado e privado e, nalguns casos, poderá causar efeitos secundários indesejados se utilizado por indivíduos que não sejam ensinados/treinados nas nossas técnicas.
Os Alexandrinos mantêm a privacidade dessa sacralidade através do segredo.
Nós não nos proclamamos detentores dos segredos do Universo.
Aliás, a maior parte dos nossos “segredos” teriam pouco ou nenhum interesse para aqueles que não são Iniciados na Wicca.
Será suficiente dizer apenas que os nossos ensinamentos se concentram no desenvolvimento do relacionamento pessoal com a Divindade, e uma consciência e sincronia com os Ciclos da Natureza, através de rituais e na nossa vida quotidiana.
Utilizamos técnicas tradicionais da WTB (Wicca de Tradição Britânica) no sentido de obter mestria e desenvolver as nossas capacidades como Feiticeiros, para que possamos nos ajudar a nós próprios e aos outros.
Métodos experimentais são também utilizados, pois a nossa tradição disponibiliza uma sólida base sobre a qual possamos construir e improvisar.3
Leituras e Outras Referências:
Books:
A Voice in the Forest de Jimahl di Fiosa
What Witches Do de Stewart Farrar
The Alex Sanders Lectures de Alex Sanders
King of the Witches de June Johns
Maxine The Witch Queen de Maxine Sanders
Principles of Wicca de Vivianne Crowley
Keepers of the Flame de Morganna Davies and Aradia Lynch
Páginas da Web:
The Alexandrian Wiccans Webring (link quebrada)
Tracing the Blood: International BTW Contacts (link quebrada)
Maxine Sanders Homepage
The New Wiccan Church InternationalTraditional Wicca Does Not Cost Money
E-Lists:
Amber and Jet: BTW Seekers List
Caveat: Como até agora todos os Anciãos de terceiro grau são autónomos na nossa tradição, nenhum de nós poderá falar por todos.
Como Iniciados e Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina, os pensamentos seguintes são apenas a opinião que temos no que respeita à Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca, a qual amamos e acarinhamos.4
Este artigo foi escrito, editado, compilado, e aprovado pelos seguintes Sumo Sacerdotes e Sumo Sacerdotisas e Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina:
Julia Phillips,
EnglandPandora,GermanyAconite & Ambriel, Qld, AustraliaAriana & Robin, AustraliaJuniper & Gwiddon Vedmi, Ontario, CanadaRadella, BC, CanadaMorganna, RI. U.S.Indigo, RI. U.S.Anastasia, RI, U.S.Haniel, Central CA, U.S.M. Veritas, TX, U.S.Storm, CT, U.S.Auriana & Corbin, CT, U.S.Scypres, FL, U.S.Icarus, NJ, U.S.Morgaine, TN, U.S.Pat Baker, MA, U.S.Jimahl di Fiosa, MA. U.S.Sulis, MA, U.S.Talia, MA, U.S.Herne, New Orleans, U.S.Brigit & Orion, MD, U.S.Cian Kerrisk, New Zealand
Notas de Roda-Pé: 1,2,3 e 4 Parafraseadas, com a autorização, do ensaio “Central Valley Wicca: The Kingstone Tradition” de Kalisha Zahr.
[1] skyclad - literalmente “vestido de céu” querendo dizer, nu.
[2] Iniciação cruzada em género - Iniciação que é tomada em cruzamento de géneros feminino e masculino - os homens são iniciados por mulheres e as mulheres por homens.
[3] Coven Mãe - O Coven de origem; o Coven do qual descendem.
[4] Indivíduo válido - individuo que reúne as qualidades necessárias para tomar o grau de dedicante ou neófito.
[5] ‘prima inter paris’ - literalmente ‘a primeira entre iguais’.
[6] Os livros a que se refere o autor deste artigo incluem documentos na Internet sob o título de “Livro das Sombras Alexandrino” ou “Alexandrian Book of Shadow” os quais nada têm a ver com o verdadeiro manuscrito passado de Iniciador para Iniciado. Exemplo disto é a compilação existente no site de Janet Farrar e Gavin Bone.
[7] O individuo tem de manter este estatuto mesmo depois de ter sido iniciado. Aqueles que o não forem capazes de o manter, serão convidados a sair do Coven.
NOTA : A tradução deste documento foi feita por Karagan com a expressa autorização dos Anciãos da Wicca de Tradição Alexandrina.
Todos os Direitos Reservados a Karagan e a todos os que assinaram este documento.
"Autorizada a publicação no http://www.fairyliadan.blogspot.com/ por Karagan"
O que é a Wicca?
Os Alexandrinos definem a Wicca como uma religião Iniciática, Mistérica Pagã sujeita a juramentação de votos, experimental por natureza e que tem as suas origens nas Ilhas Britânicas.
No entanto o termo “Wicca” ter sido adoptado pelo movimento Pagão/Neo-Wiccan que tem vindo a crescer nos últimos vinte anos. Para distinguir as Tradições originais da Wicca dos grupos não iniciáticos, referimo-nos à nossa Tradição como ‘British Traditional Wicca’ (BTW) nos Estados Unidos e na Europa como ‘Traditional Wicca’ (TW).
Para simplificar as coisas, neste artigo sempre que se refere a Wicca, estamos a referirmo-nos-nos exclusivamente à BTW/TW a não ser que seja indicado o contrário.1
Origens da Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca
Será importante lembrar que as “tradições” tal como as conhecemos agora, não existiam no inicio da ‘Tradição Alexandrina’.
A nossa Tradição tem as suas origens naquilo que hoje se chama a Wicca Gardneriana, a qual na altura se chamava simplesmente “The Wica” ou “A Velha Religião”.
O nome “Alexandrina” é na generalidade visto pelos iniciados da Tradição como uma referência ao seu ‘fundador’, Alex Sanders, mas também uma referência à Grande Biblioteca de Alexandria, a qual era o centro do conhecimento Oculto da Antiguidade.
Alex Sanders foi iniciado na Wicca no inicio dos anos 60.
Mais tarde ficou conhecido por ser um excelente Mago Cerimonial e pelo título de “Rei das Bruxas(os)” o qual lhe foi atribuído pelos lideres de alguns dos seus Covens no final dos anos 60.
Segundo Maxine Sanders, sua ex-mulher, ele era membro de pelo menos dois Covens antes de casar com Maxine e de fundar o Coven Alexandrino de Londres (London Coven) do qual muitos Alexandrinos descendem.
Alex era bastante extrovertido e, entre outras coisas, um show-man nato.
Ele tirava partido da Imprensa sempre que tinha oportunidade, para grande desconforto na altura de alguns Anciãos mais conservadores.
Alex era conhecido por ser um excelente curandeiro, um prescutador e um poderoso bruxo e mago.
As suas incursões nos média valeram-lhe a publicação da sua biografia romantizada sob o título de King of the Witches da autora June Johns e mais tarde à publicação da clássica ‘biografia de um Coven’, What Witches Do, de Stewart Farrar.
Os Sanders tornaram-se bastante conhecidos no Reino Unido durante os anos 60 e 70 e são responsáveis por terem revelado e trazido a Craft a público pela primeira vez.
Um excerto de um texto de Maxine Sanders descreve de forma exemplar todo este processo:
“Apesar do interesse extremo dos paparazzi, as muitas e sinceras Iniciações feitas nos Covens de Alex e Maxine Sanders, durante e desde esse período, vieram criar lugar para uma linhagem da Witchcraft que desde então se espalhou por todo o mundo.”
E de facto foi o que aconteceu.
Em parte como resultado das incursões feitas por Alex Sanders nos média, mas também como resultado dos conflitos entre Alex Sanders e duas conhecidas Sacerdotisas Wiccan da altura, formou-se uma clara divergência, que resultou no crescimento gradual do que posteriormente se veio a chamar de Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca, nascendo assim uma das primeiras ‘tradições’ modernas da wicca.
O termo “Alexandrina” foi, segundo Maxine Sanders, atribuído por Stewart Farrar aquando da escrita do seu livro What Witches Do em 1970.
No entanto, uma entrevista com Sanders feita por Stewart Farrar em 1969, Alex clarifica um pouco mais esta questão. Alex é citado dizendo:
“aqueles [feiticeiros(as)] que não querem publicidade, têm a tendência de se referir aos meus(minhas) Bruxos(as) como ‘Alexandrinos’.”
Eis a explicação.
Ou o termo foi uma criação de Alex Sanders ou o resultado de um termo inventado como referência sarcástica e crítica, da mesma forma que o termo “Gardnerianos”.
Os primeiros iniciados de Sanders referem-se a si próprios simplesmente como “The Wicca” (Os Wicca) ou Witches (Feiticeiros ou Bruxos).
O nome da linhagem de Sanders foi aplicado apenas nos princípios dos anos 70.
A nossa Tradição tem tido ambas a felicidade e infelicidade de ser uma das, se não a Tradição Wiccan melhor documentada até à data . Naturalmente muitas confusões têm surgido à cerca da nossa Tradição, as quais se espera que fiquem esclarecidas neste artigo.
Ao contrário daquilo que normalmente se pensa, nem todos os Alexandrinos trabalham Magia Cerimonial, tal como a Cabala, Magia dos Anjos ou Magia Enochian.
Alguns praticam-nas, outros não.
Alex Sanders encontrava-se sempre num processo evolutivo das suas próprias práticas mágicas passando novos conhecimentos e técnicas aos seus iniciados.
O resultado deste processo está na existência de muitas linhagens diferentes que descendem de Alex Sanders, cada uma com as suas particularidades mas partilhando do mesmo corpo de conhecimento Tradicional Wiccano.
Alguns Alexandrinos estão fortemente orientados no sentido da Magia Cerimonial enquanto outros estão mais orientados para a Magia Popular.
Tudo depende não só da linhagem e origem de cada um, como também das opções individuais e de Coven.
O ensino sempre foi um ex libris da Tradição Alexandrina, com cada nova geração adicionando mais conhecimento à geração precedente contribuindo para a constituição de Sacerdotes e Feiticeiros(as) detentores de novos conhecimentos.
Esta diversidade proporciona uma tradição dinâmica e efectiva, com os pés bem assentes na Wicca Tradicional mas de olhos no futuro.
Outra das muitas confusões à cerca da Tradição prende-se com a publicação que Alex Sanders e o casal Farrar fizeram dos conhecimentos integrais da tradição, bem como o Livro das Sombras na sua totalidade.
Qualquer um que leia os livros tanto de Alex Sanders como dos Farrar verificarão que isto é absolutamente falso, mesmo até pelas declarações dos próprios autores nas suas obras.
Alex Sanders fez a sua passagem para Além do Véu na Noite de Beltane em 30 de Abril de 1988 depois de ter sofrido e convalescido de cancro do pulmão. Após a morte de Alex Sanders, o Concelho Britânico dos Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina reuniu-se e redigiu o seguinte documento:
Declaração do Concelho de Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina
Na Quinta-Feira dia 12 de Maio de 1988 reuniram-se os Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina
É da Lei da Craft que um Rei seja escolhido pela Craft quando a necessidade assim o exige. Depois de larga consideração, foi decidido que não existe necessidade da existência de um Rei das Bruxas.
Felizmente que assim é pois não existe neste momento ninguém que esteja devidamente preparado para desempenhar tal papel.
Alex Sanders conduziu os Filhos Ocultos da Deusa na Luz. Foi uma tarefa excepcionalmente bem desempenhada, e foi também o seu ultimo e mais profundo desejo que estes continuem o seu trabalho na luz.
Tal Concelho nunca mais se reuniu.
Crenças:
Tradicionalmente nós trabalhamos com e prestamos homenagem aos Antigos Deuses da Europa, com maior incidência na Deusa da Lua e no seu Consorte, o dos Cornos.
Os nossos Deuses não são ciumentos, e como tal, os iniciados Alexandrinos poderão trabalhar com outras divindades a nível pessoal ou em grupo.
Almejamos uma ligação e entendimento pessoal com a divindade e com os nossos ancestrais, mas também com com os ritmos e marés da natureza, e como tal não temos intermediarios, apenas Sacerdotes e Sacerdotisas.
Acreditamos no poder da magia e no uso de técnicas tradicionais e técnicas novas para atingir os nossos objectivos.
O Papel do Clero:
A Wicca é muito diferente de outras religiões pois não temos intermediarios.
Cada iniciado da nossa Tradição é um Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa dos nossos Deuses por direito.
Alguns dos nossos Sacerdotes e Sacerdotisas são bastante activos nas comunidades pagãs locais, proporcionando handfastings (casamentos) e outros ritos de passagem bem como Festivais públicos.
Outros trabalham fora do olhar do público concentrando-se no trabalho dos seus Covens ou nas suas demandas pessoais.
Organização de Grupos:
A Tradição Alexandrina está organizada em Covens.
Alguns grupos trabalham skyclad[1] enquanto outros preferem trabalhar com túnicas. Independentemente da preferência do Coven, alguns ritos são feitos skyclad[1] por todos os Covens Alexandrinos reconhecidos.
Para se tornar um iniciado da Tradição Alexandrina, tem de se ser iniciado por um Sumo Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa Alexandrina devidamente preparada e autorizada numa iniciação cruzada em género[2].
Os nossos ritos de iniciação tradicionais deverão ser usados sem omissões, tal como foram passados por cada linhagem desde o Coven Alexandrino original.
A “Auto-iniciação” não é possível na Wicca Alexandrina.
A nossa Tradição contém três níveis chamados Graus.
Um iniciado do primeiro grau é um Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa da Tradição e um iniciado do segundo grau, é um Sumo Sacerdote ou Sumo Sacerdotisa da tradição e Ancião do Coven.
O terceiro grau é normalmente reservado aos lideres de Coven.
O tempo entre cada grau pode variar substancialmente de linhagem para linhagem e depende dos objectivos e pontos de vista de cada Coven no que respeita à iniciação e à experiência na aprendizagem.
Na Tradição Alexandrina cada individuo têm a sua progressão através dos graus, no seu crescimento interior e nos Deuses, não no tempo em que fica em cada um dos níveis.
Um iniciado de segundo grau poderá deixar o seu Coven e formar um novo, e também pode iniciar até ao seu grau na maior parte das linhagens, com a autorização dos seus Anciãos.
Os Covens liderados por Sumo Sacerdotes/Sacerdotisas de segundo grau estão sujeitos à orientação e autoridade dos Sumo Sacerdotes do Coven Mãe[3} até estarem preparados para serem elevados ao terceiro grau.
O nível de autoridade que um Ancião de segundo grau tem, varia muito de linhagem para linhagem.
Um Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa de terceiro grau é completamente autónomo na nossa tradição, respondendo apenas aos Deuses e à Tradição em geral.
Autonomia não significa falta de discernimento ou sensatez.
Alem disto, muitas linhagens optam por ter no seu sistema um grau de neófito ou dedicante, permitindo a um individuo válido[4] participar em certos ritos antes de se dedicar aos Deuses de forma definitiva.
Isto faz com que o candidato seja exposto não só à Tradição mas também aos laços de “família” que constituem um Coven.
Permite também que tanto o candidato como os Anciãos do Coven possam decidir se a vocação e a dinâmica inter-pessoal existem no candidato ou não.
A nossa Tradição é Matriarcal.
A Sumo Sacerdotisa é considerada ‘prima inter paris’[5] e detém a palavra final em todos os assuntos de Coven.
Tradicionalmente a palavra de um Sumo Sacerdote ou Sumo Sacerdotisa é lei dentro do Coven. Este sistema tem vindo a ser chamado por alguns “uma ditadura benevolente”.
Tradicionalmente o Sumo Sacerdote co-lidera em cooperação com e apoiando a Sumo Sacerdotisa.
A Linhagem Iniciática é verificada em cruzamento de géneros[2] (feminino, masculino, feminino, etc) até a Alex Sanders e as suas Sumo Sacerdotisas tais como Maxine Sanders. As informações sobre a linhagem não estão sujeitas a juramento de segredo na nossa Tradição, mas também não são do domínio público, e a maior parte das vezes é considerado um assunto pessoal e privado.
Pouco tempo depois da Iniciação, cada candidato começa a copiar o Livro das Sombras pelo manuscrito do seu Iniciador.
É da responsabilidade de cada Iniciador, passar a Tradição, tanto oral como escrita, tal como lhe foi passada, sem quaisquer omissões.
Desta forma, a continuidade da nossa herança é assegurada.
O Livro das Sombras Alexandrino contém conhecimentos comuns a todas as linhagens embora com pequenas diferenças de linhagem para linhagem, pois Alex Sanders e os seus Iniciados estavam envolvidos num processo constante de evolução.
A essência do Livro das Sombras e os ritos de iniciação são a chave para todos os Alexandrinos legítimos, pois constituem o conhecimento comum que nos une a todos.
Contrariamente ao que se possa pensar, um indivíduo não pode comprar um Livro das Sombras Alexandrino, nem fazer o seu download através da Internet.
Embora estes livros[6] existam, são apenas compilações de informações/documentos já publicados e a intenção da sua existência apenas se justifica na perspectiva de constituir um conjunto de documentos, similares em estilo, ao Livro das Sombras que podem ser utilizados, apenas como referência, pelo estudante sério da tradição.
Estes documentos são, no entanto, diferentes do Livro das Sombras utilizado pelos Iniciados.
A única forma de obter um Livro das Sombras Alexandrino completo é ser iniciado de forma honrada.
A natureza e prática exacta dos Covens Alexandrinos poderá variar de linhagem para linhagem e de Coven para Coven mas com certos limites.
O treino/ensino foi sempre fortemente implementado na nossa Tradição vindo logo a seguir, em prioridade, ao serviço aos nossos Deuses. A maior parte dos Covens Alexandrinos têm um forte sentido de ‘familia’ bem como a consciência de que fazem parte de uma família maior e mais alargada Internacionalmente.
Festivais
A Wicca Alexandrina festeja os oito Sabbats da Roda do Ano.
Também nos reunimos tradicionalmente para celebrar os Esbats nas Luas Cheias realizando trabalhos, ensinando e celebrando a Deusa.
Ao contrário do que se pensa, nós não trabalhamos os Ciclos do Rei Carvalho e do Rei Azevinho, tal como é descrito pelos Farrar no seu livro Oito Sabbats para Bruxas (Eight Sabbats for Witches).
Embora alguns Covens e até alguns Feiticeiros(as) possam optar por trabalhar esses ritos, os Ciclos dos Reis Carvalho/Azevinho, NÃO fazem parte da Tradição Alexandrina.
Os próprios Farrar o clarificam no seu livro, mas no entanto a confusão ainda persiste.
Normas de Conduta
A Iniciação e Elevação na Wicca é um privilégio e não um direito.
A iniciação não é oferecida de forma leviana.
Para ser Iniciado na Wicca como Sacerdote ou Sacerdotisa, deve-se em primeiro lugar ser um individuo válido[7].
São os Anciãos do Coven que decidem a presença deste estatuto no individuo - juntamente com a ajuda e opinião daqueles que já fazem parte do grupo.
A sinceridade, o carácter, a maturidade, as escolhas espirituais, nível de compromisso, sentido ético e personalidade do candidato(a) são sempre considerados além de sinais esotéricos que os Anciãos possam encontrar.
Principalmente e em primeiro lugar, deverão consultar o Deus/Deusa e procurar o seu consentimento.
Os Anciãos devem também considerar se o candidato(a) poderá por ou não a Tradição em risco, abusar dos Mistérios os quais lhe serão confiados após a iniciação.
Resumindo, os Anciãos deverão confiar no seu próprio julgamento e intuição de forma serena e equilibrada.
Deverá existir empatia entre novos Iniciados e o Coven no qual eles são iniciados.
Um indivíduo que seja na generalidade válido para ser iniciado, poderá não ser aceite num grupo mas poder-se-á dar bem noutro.
O caminho do Sacerdócio não serve para aqueles que o procuram apenas pelo ‘estatuto’ ou simplesmente por ser uma experiência “radical”.
O caminho Iniciático não serve também aqueles que são mental, espiritual e emocionalmente desequilibrados.
É regra da Wicca que nunca se cobra dinheiro por Iniciações e/ou treino/ensino da nossa religião.
Na Tradição Alexandrina alguns Covens partilham as despesas básicas, pagando uma espécie de ‘cota’ ou simplesmente fazendo “passar o Chapéu da Bruxa” à medida que as despesas vão surgindo.
Temos a obrigação de manter a privacidade de outros iniciados.
Como tal, revelar o nome e identidade de outro Feiticeiro(a) sem o seu consentimento é evitado a todo o custo.
A linha de conduta da Ética da Tradição Alexandrina é a Rede Wiccan “Faz o que quiseres, mas não prejudiques a ninguém”.
Ao contrário do que se pensa, esta ‘máxima’ apenas refere que toda a actividade que não prejudique ninguém é permissiva.
Sem prejuízo a ninguém é um ideal nobre, mas não é de maneira nenhuma para ser tomado literalmente.
É literalmente impossível que um individuo possa viver a sua vida sem prejudicar ou causar prejuízo a nada ou ninguém.
No entanto somos totalmente responsáveis pelas escolhas que fazemos na nossa vida.
Uma das formas de interpretar a Rede é seguir o nosso mais alto ideal (o Querer - faz o que quiseres…) o que implica a escolha do caminho que cause menos prejuízo.
Á medida que crescemos na compreensão dos mistérios dos ciclos e marés da vida, começamos a tomar consciência da nossa ligação intrínseca a todos os seres do planeta.
O conceito de “Verdadeiro Querer” começa então a indiciar que o nosso trabalho se direcciona no sentido do bem supremo da forma que acharmos ser a mais apropriada.2
Formas de Culto
A Tradição Alexandrina é uma Tradição de Mistérios sujeita a ajuramentação de votos de segredo, e como tal, muitos dos pormenores de como e porquê trabalhamos da forma como trabalhamos, são segredo.
Este secretismo entre Iniciados da Wicca de Tradição Britânica tem vindo a ser alvo de detractores, implicando nas suas alegações que na certa se existe segredo é porque aquilo que fazemos não é lícito ou bom, ou então, que mantemos o secretismo com o propósito de enaltecer o ego (”temos algo que vocês não sabem o que é e por isso somos melhores que vós“).
Posto de forma simples, nenhuma destas alegações é verdadeira.
A nossa Tradição e tudo o que a constitui, é sagrado e privado e, nalguns casos, poderá causar efeitos secundários indesejados se utilizado por indivíduos que não sejam ensinados/treinados nas nossas técnicas.
Os Alexandrinos mantêm a privacidade dessa sacralidade através do segredo.
Nós não nos proclamamos detentores dos segredos do Universo.
Aliás, a maior parte dos nossos “segredos” teriam pouco ou nenhum interesse para aqueles que não são Iniciados na Wicca.
Será suficiente dizer apenas que os nossos ensinamentos se concentram no desenvolvimento do relacionamento pessoal com a Divindade, e uma consciência e sincronia com os Ciclos da Natureza, através de rituais e na nossa vida quotidiana.
Utilizamos técnicas tradicionais da WTB (Wicca de Tradição Britânica) no sentido de obter mestria e desenvolver as nossas capacidades como Feiticeiros, para que possamos nos ajudar a nós próprios e aos outros.
Métodos experimentais são também utilizados, pois a nossa tradição disponibiliza uma sólida base sobre a qual possamos construir e improvisar.3
Leituras e Outras Referências:
Books:
A Voice in the Forest de Jimahl di Fiosa
What Witches Do de Stewart Farrar
The Alex Sanders Lectures de Alex Sanders
King of the Witches de June Johns
Maxine The Witch Queen de Maxine Sanders
Principles of Wicca de Vivianne Crowley
Keepers of the Flame de Morganna Davies and Aradia Lynch
Páginas da Web:
The Alexandrian Wiccans Webring (link quebrada)
Tracing the Blood: International BTW Contacts (link quebrada)
Maxine Sanders Homepage
The New Wiccan Church InternationalTraditional Wicca Does Not Cost Money
E-Lists:
Amber and Jet: BTW Seekers List
Caveat: Como até agora todos os Anciãos de terceiro grau são autónomos na nossa tradição, nenhum de nós poderá falar por todos.
Como Iniciados e Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina, os pensamentos seguintes são apenas a opinião que temos no que respeita à Tradição Alexandrina da Wicca, a qual amamos e acarinhamos.4
Este artigo foi escrito, editado, compilado, e aprovado pelos seguintes Sumo Sacerdotes e Sumo Sacerdotisas e Anciãos da Tradição Alexandrina:
Julia Phillips,
EnglandPandora,GermanyAconite & Ambriel, Qld, AustraliaAriana & Robin, AustraliaJuniper & Gwiddon Vedmi, Ontario, CanadaRadella, BC, CanadaMorganna, RI. U.S.Indigo, RI. U.S.Anastasia, RI, U.S.Haniel, Central CA, U.S.M. Veritas, TX, U.S.Storm, CT, U.S.Auriana & Corbin, CT, U.S.Scypres, FL, U.S.Icarus, NJ, U.S.Morgaine, TN, U.S.Pat Baker, MA, U.S.Jimahl di Fiosa, MA. U.S.Sulis, MA, U.S.Talia, MA, U.S.Herne, New Orleans, U.S.Brigit & Orion, MD, U.S.Cian Kerrisk, New Zealand
Notas de Roda-Pé: 1,2,3 e 4 Parafraseadas, com a autorização, do ensaio “Central Valley Wicca: The Kingstone Tradition” de Kalisha Zahr.
[1] skyclad - literalmente “vestido de céu” querendo dizer, nu.
[2] Iniciação cruzada em género - Iniciação que é tomada em cruzamento de géneros feminino e masculino - os homens são iniciados por mulheres e as mulheres por homens.
[3] Coven Mãe - O Coven de origem; o Coven do qual descendem.
[4] Indivíduo válido - individuo que reúne as qualidades necessárias para tomar o grau de dedicante ou neófito.
[5] ‘prima inter paris’ - literalmente ‘a primeira entre iguais’.
[6] Os livros a que se refere o autor deste artigo incluem documentos na Internet sob o título de “Livro das Sombras Alexandrino” ou “Alexandrian Book of Shadow” os quais nada têm a ver com o verdadeiro manuscrito passado de Iniciador para Iniciado. Exemplo disto é a compilação existente no site de Janet Farrar e Gavin Bone.
[7] O individuo tem de manter este estatuto mesmo depois de ter sido iniciado. Aqueles que o não forem capazes de o manter, serão convidados a sair do Coven.
NOTA : A tradução deste documento foi feita por Karagan com a expressa autorização dos Anciãos da Wicca de Tradição Alexandrina.
Todos os Direitos Reservados a Karagan e a todos os que assinaram este documento.
"Autorizada a publicação no http://www.fairyliadan.blogspot.com/ por Karagan"
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